Chartism: A New Organization of the People

"CHARTISM: A NEW ORGANIZATION OF THE PEOPLE"

By William Lovett, Cabinet-Maker & John Collins, Tool-Maker

On the first Monday in September 1840, thousands had assembled on Holbeck Moor in Yorkshire to welcome and honour John Collins and two other Chartists, all of whom had been recently released from gaols in different parts of the country. (In a government clampdown on the Chartist Movement, Collins had been imprisoned for one year for Libel and Sedition following the Bull Ring Riot on 4 July 1839.)

In an open carriage the three men were escorted into Leeds in a procession that stretched three quarters of a mile. They headed to the Hall of Science where dinner was laid on for the distinguished guests. In the course of John Collins' speech at the dinner he said that while he was in Warwick Gaol, he and William Lovett had written what he called "a plan of agitation" that was to be published in a few days. That plan of agitation was their famous work entitled "Chartism : A New Organisation of the People."

Excerpt from John Collins' speech at Leeds. [Northern Star 12 Sept 1840]

Front page of "Chartism: A New Organisation of the People"

"Chartism: A New Organisation of the People" proposed a National Association of the United Kingdom for the purpose of politically and socially improving the people. Ahead of the times, the book called for a national educational scheme for children and adults including schools and halls, circulating libraries, teacher training, tracts, and missionaries.

The book admits many of the working class would be unwilling or unable to help fund such a program. Nevertheless, it showed that if those 1,283,000 individuals who signed the Chartists' 1839 National Petition paid four shillings a year it would be possible to establish 80 halls or schools, over 700 circulating libraries, 4 missionaries, 20,000 tracts, and sundry expenses each year.

The Text of "Chartism"

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The following is the complete text of the 1841 edition of "Chartism: A New Organisation of the People" by Wiilliam Lovett and John Collins - including its "British English" spelling (such as honour, colour, centre, mitred, etc) and certain mis-spellings (such as phrenzied, glueing, trafficing, develope, etc). For ease of reading, each footnote appears at the end of its relevant paragraph.

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CHARTISM; A NEW ORGANIZATION OF THE PEOPLE

EMBRACING A PLAN FOR THE
EDUCATION AND IMPROVEMENT OF THE PEOPLE
POLITICALLY & SOCIALLY

ADDRESSED TO THE WORKING CLASSES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM, AND MORE ESPECIALLY TO THE ADVOCATES
OF THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE AS SET FORTH IN THE "PEOPLE'S CHARTER."

WRITTEN IN WARWICK GAOL BY WILLIAM LOVETT, CABINET-MAKER AND JOHN COLLINS TOOL-MAKER

PREFACE

Being desirous of exerting the humble abilities God has given us towards procuring for our brethren equality of political rights and placing them in such a social condition as shall best develop and preserve all their faculties, physical, moral, and intellectual, we have presumed to put forth the following pages for their consideration, containing our opinions of the best means of accomplishing those important objects. Believing that the proposed act of parliament, entitled "The People's Charter," is calculated to secure to all classes of society their just share of political power, (forming one of the most important steps to all social improvement,) we are desirous of seeing the energies of all peacefully concentrated to cause that measure to be enacted as one of the laws of our country. Unhappily, the conflicting opinions entertained by some portion of the working-classes regarding the means of accomplishing that object have hitherto greatly retarded it; but we trust that experience, the great teacher of mankind, will lead them to perceive that no other means are likely to be so effectual as a peaceful combination of the millions, founding their hopes on the might and influence of intellectual and moral progress. Our feelings, being in favour of such a description of organization, have induced us to set forth the advantages it would possess; - first, in causing great numbers to join us who are politically indifferent, or entertain erroneous notions respecting the objects and intentions of "the Chartists;" and, second, of the mode of perfecting that union when formed, and preparing our brethren to enjoy all the social advantages of the political power they are now seeking to obtain. The reflecting portion of our brethren are beginning to perceive the great necessity for this intellectual and moral preparation; - not as set forth by those "educationists" who seek to spread their own exclusive or sectarian notions, or by those who seek to train up the youths of our country to be submissive admirers of " things as they are;" but for establishing such a just and extensive system of education as shall ere long make our country intellectually great, politically free, and socially happy. Various propositions have been made at different times for educating the whole people, none of which have been, nor deserve to be, adopted, on account of their exclusive or sectarian character. There is also so much evil to be apprehended from placing the education of our children in the hands of any government, especially of an irresponsible one, that it becomes one of the most important duties of the working and middle classes, to take the subject into their own hands, and to establish a just and liberal system of education, lest the power of educating their own children be taken from them by the arbitrary act of a corrupt and exclusive government. If, therefore, we should succeed in arousing the attention of the millions to the great importance of the subjects treated of in this pamphlet, we shall not have suffered twelve months' imprisonment in vain.

CONTENTS

.. Introduction
.. Proposed Rules and Regulations for the National Association of the United Kingdom
.. Ground Plan of a District Hall
.. Benefits of Organization
.. Importance of General Education, and the Modes to be pursued in the different Schools
.. The Infant School
.. The Preparatory School
.. The High School
.. Specimens of Lesson Cards

INTRODUCTION

The awakened spirit which pervades and moves the multitude, is that of intellectual inquiry. The light of thought is illuminating the minds of the masses; kindled by the cheap publications, the discussions, missionaries, and meetings of the last ten years; a light, the vivifying influence of which no power can extinguish, nor control. For the spark once struck is inextinguishable, and will go on extending and radiating with increasing power; thought will generate thought; and each illumined mind will become a centre for the enlightenment of thousands, till the effulgent blaze penetrates every cranny of corruption, and scares selfishness and injustice from their seats of power. Chartism is an emanation of this spirit: its aim is the regeneration of all, the subjugation of none; its objects, as righteous as those of its opponents are wicked and unjust, are to place our institutions on the basis of justice, to secure labour its reward, merit its fruits, to purify the heart and rectify the conduct of all, by knowledge, morality, and love of freedom. Discord and folly have to some extent unhappily prevailed, for want of sufficient investigation, but still Chartism has already been led by knowledge beyond the crushing influence of irresponsible and vindictive persecutors; and though prejudice and faction may contend with it for a season, it is yet destined to become a great and efficient instrument of moral and intellectual improvement.
It will be well, therefore, for all those who seek the happiness and prosperity of their country - who seek to enjoy the fruits of honest industry, to extend their hands and exercise their hearts in acts of benevolence and humanity - to make wiser preparations to meet this growing spirit than are advised in the arming proclamations, and found in the acts of whiggery. Our rulers may exasperate by coercion, but they will be powerless in conquering the minds and subduing the hearts of the millions; of men who, tracing their burthens to exclusive legislation, are determined to obtain their just share of political right at any sacrifice. Those who madly rule the destinies of England may adopt the same policy their equally insane predecessors pursued towards unhappy Ireland; and like them may succeed in widening the gulph between rich and poor, and severing those feelings of justice and humanity which ought to unite man with his brother man. They may extend their blue-coated gend'armiere from town to village; they may fortify with soldiery every workshop, and convert the peaceful hills and dales of England into one great arsenal, to keep the haughty and extravagant few in possession of unjust power and domination; but in the maddened attempt they may impede the rolling tide of intellectual and civilizing refinement; they may generate a military, suspicious, cunning, and vindictive spirit in the people, which, with taxation, oppression, want, and misery, will afford abundant materials for the storm of a phrenzied and desolating revolution.
But will the spirit of Christianity, philosophy, and justice permit these results? Will those whose active charity has caused them to explore, midst dangers and death, the remotest tent and wildest glen to instruct the mind and humanize the savage heart, forbear to exercise their benevolence in favour of their care-worn brethren at home? Will Christian eloquence be employed against every species of slavery, but such as is found in the fields, the factories, and workshops of Britain? Will those who esteem all mankind as "brethren, and all the nations of the earth as one great family"—whose golden rules of Christian duty are based on principles of brotherly love, equality, and justice, permit these glorious principles to be outraged by men of wealth and power, merely because they profess to tolerate the teaching of principles they once persecuted, and still scorn to practise? Will the followers of him who ever denounced extortion and injustice, and proclaimed that the poor and oppressed were the especial objects of his mission, remain silent spectators of oppression and injustice? Will the teachers and preachers of his inspired precepts be so far forgetful of their duty, as to side with the exclusive and oppressive few, whose ambitious projects and mercenary designs have converted earth's fruitful blessings and man's happiness into the curses of war, destruction, and misery? - with men who, not satisfied with the black record of the last hundred and fifty years of blood and human wretchedness, the curse of which still crushes us to earth,* are still pursuing the steps of their fathers, in warring against the rights and liberties of humanity?

* £
The war of 1688 lasted nine years, and cost at the time ……………......... 36,000,000
Borrowed to support it, twenty millions, the interest on
    which, in one hundred and fifty-two years, at three and
    a half per cent, amounts to + ………………………………………................... 106,400,000
The war of the Spanish succession lasted eleven years, and cost …......... 62,500,000
Borrowed to support it, thirty-two and a half millions:
    the interest, in one hundred and twenty-seven years, amounts to ...... 144,462,500
The Spanish war, ending in 1748, lasted nine years, and cost ………….....… 54,000,000
Borrowed to support it, twenty-nine millions:
    the interest, in one hundred and two years, amounts to ………………... 103,530,000
The war of 1756 lasted seven years, and cost ……………………………............. 112,000,000
Borrowed to support it, sixty millions: the interest,
in seventy-seven years, amounts to ……………………………………….............. 161,700,000
The American war lasted eight years, and cost ………………………….............. 136,000,000
Borrowed to support it, one hundred and four millions:
    the interest, in sixty-five years, amounts to ……………………………............ 236,600,000
The French revolutionary war lasted nine years, and cost …………….......... 464,000,000
Borrowed to support it, two hundred and one millions:
the interest, in thirty-eight years, amounts to ……………………………....... 267,330,000
The war against Buonaparte lasted twelve years, and cost ……………....... 1,159,000,000
Borrowed to support it, three hundred and eighty eight millions:
the interest, in twenty-five years, amounts to ……………………………........ 339,500,000
    _____________
£3,383,022,500

+ The lowest rate of interest has been computated, and that from the conclusion of the war.

To which amount must be added the increase of army, navy, civil list, half-pay, pensions, &c., which, within the above period, have been enormous; the value of British merchant vessels and their cargoes captured and destroyed, or wrecked by being deprived by those wars from access to friendly ports; and the enormous sums raised by poor rates and charity which have been applied to mitigate the calamities those horrible wars have occasioned.
    Can Christians read of those scenes of blood and carnage which exclusive legislation has engendered, without horror? Can their imagination depict the fraudulent means by which fathers, husbands, and brothers have been torn from their families and homes, to bleed and die midst hecatombs of victims, without feeling the virtuous desire to remove the unholy and brutalizing cause?  But these, say the advocates of exclusiveness, are the acts of days past, of scenes conscientiously lamented, and never to be renewed by any government. Friends of peace and humanity, trust not these deceitful boasters; hug not the specious deception to your hearts, but rather let the violated rights, the burning cottages, the slain, unburied, brute-devoured victims in Canada be their answers. But refer them to ominous truths nearer home, and let the formidable answers to our supplications for "justice," in the shape of rifle-brigades, mortars, rockets, and bludgeon men, convince you of the improved feelings of exclusive and class legislation.
    The black catalogue of recorded crimes which all history develops, joined to the glaring and oppressive acts of every day's experience, must convince every reflective mind that irresponsible power, vested in one man or in a class of men, is the fruitful source of every crime. For men so circumstanced, having no curb to the desires which power and dominion occasion, pursue an intoxicating and expensive career, regardless of the toiling beings who, under forms of law, are robbed to support their insatiable extravagance. The objects of their cruelty may lift up their voices in vain against their oppressors, for their moral faculties having lost the wholesome check of public opinion, they become callous to the supplications of their victims.
    Irresponsible, except to their own order, and equally extravagant and regardless, are those who have long held and now hold the political power of England. The working classes, therefore, having long felt the evils resulting from this irresponsible authority, in the partial laws they have enacted and unjustly executed, in the partial and over-burthening taxation they have imposed upon them, and in the insolence of those who live on the plunder they have exacted, seek to establish a wholesome and Responsible Government, such as shall develop the energies and promote the happiness of all classes in the state.

The estimated number of British alone slain or perished:
In the war ending in 1679 …………... was 180,000
In the war which began in 1702……....was 250,000
In the war which began in 1739…….. was 240,000
In the war which began in 1756…… was 250,000
In the American war in 1775 ……… . was 200,000
In the French war began in 1793…... was 700,000
The above note has been compiled from various sources.

  It remains to be seen whether the generous and philanthropic minds with which our country abounds will second these exertions. Whether those who are really intent on exterminating vice will perceive the necessity for beginning at the root of the evil, having so often felt the difficulty of improving the the plant by merely trimming its branches. And still more difficult will assuredly be their efforts, morally and socially, to improve the people of this country, while the present anomalous system of representation is permitted, with all its demoralizing influences. While we see vicious examples of bribery, fraud, perjury, and intemperance held forth, in all their admitted baseness and public notoriety, and justified as means by which the post of "honour" and seat of "justice" may be obtained; thus destroying the very vitals of morality, by diverting the aspiring minds of our country from the just and honest pursuit of public estimation and public reward. While by far the greater number of our legislators begin their political career by the adoption of such unworthy means, can we be surprised at the corrupt, unfeeling, and often immoral conduct, so many of them display, or wonder at the varied and multitudinous crudities they dignify with the name of laws? And while the effects of all these corrupting and pernicious influences are seen and felt throughout the length and breadth of the land, engendering poverty, vice, and crime, are we not justified in directing the public mind to the; attainment of political reformation, as the most certain' and direct means of all moral as of all social reformation?
    Can it any longer be doubted that ignorance and poverty, springing from careless, extravagant, and vicious rulers, originate the numerous and increasing demands for our gaols, bridewells, penitentiaries, treadmills, and other useless means of punishment, together with our workhouses, asylums, and infirmaries - institutions which the want of proper education and encouragement to industry and frugality mainly occasion?
We believe that a large number of persons see and lament the evils referred to, and trace them to the source described, but are deterred from exerting themselves to effect the change we aim at, by the drunken and profligate examples they daily witness. While they are anxious to effect a radical reform in our institutions, and turn to contemplate the proposal of political equality - of trusting men of such demoralizing habits with the suffrage - they are too often led to conclude that the change would be the greater evil. But we anxiously advise persons who have arrived at such conclusions, to review their facts and re-exercise their judgments; and, according to their sincerity, we think they will see just cause for changing their opinions. Have they satisfied themselves, in the first place, that the majority of drunken and vicious characters are not already in possession of the franchise? Else, what other reason can they assign for the extent of bribery and intemperance so prevalent at our elections; when the vicious propensities of those who have votes to dispose of are basely gratified, by men equally base and destitute of principle to administer to such servile and brutal appetites? But granting that the soul-degrading vice of drunkenness is still too prevalent among the most ignorant of the working classes, what is the political injury that could possibly arise from giving them votes under the provisions of the Charter? Were the franchise, indeed, to be extended, and the present electoral arrangements preserved, the septennial act retained, and all the inducements for bribery afforded as at present; there might, indeed, be some chance of the circle of drunken voters being inconveniently enlarged, to the trouble and expense of those who purchase a seven years' influence in parliament to indemnify them for the outlay. Have those objectors to the rights of the industrious classes, on the plea of intemperance, examined the facts and evidence that from time to time have been published regarding the source of the evil? and do they still fail to perceive its origin in the misgovernment of the people?
When they learn that the mental and physical debility arising from protracted and excessive toil, begets a craving appetite in some for stimulants to force them beyond (or to restore) their natural powers, and find that wholesome and nutritious ones are not always within the reach or means of the poor; they must assuredly perceive that our social and political arrangements must be highly defective, to occasion such degrading results.
When they perceive the mass of the population toiling from youth to age like beasts of burthen, with little means or time for either intellectual or moral improvement, debarred by cruel and vexatious laws from cheerful exercise or joyous recreations, and encouraged in the pernicious habit of drunkenness by the facilities which government holds out, in order to exact its revenue of FIFTEEN MILLIONS from the sale of intoxicating and poisonous ingredients, can they any longer doubt the originating cause, or fail to perceive that the best remedy will be a just government?
When, under all these social and political disadvantages, they find the spirit of temperance and sobriety pervading the ranks of labour, daily diminishing the amount of drunkenness and dissipation - when they perceive an enlightened and inquiring mind generating other habits and feelings among them - when they see them struggling for political rights as means of improving their class and dignifying their country, can these objectors any longer refuse to aid them in their great and noble undertaking?
Are the patient, forbearing, hard-working population of Britain less qualified for freedom than the working classes of Switzerland and America—countries where peace, industry, and prosperity bear conclusive evidence in favour of Universal Suffrage?
In the democratic cantons of Switzerland, agriculture and manufactures, being combined, produce prosperity in every cottage. Knowledge and Freedom, twin-sisters, have caused them to outspeed their neighbours in most of the ingenuities and refinements of art. Their laws, based on equality, are few, just, and respected; custom, excise, and prohibitory laws, are banished from among them; justice, cheaply and impartially administered, is every man's protecting guardian; morality, intelligence, and comfort gladden every home; and when the most distant infringement on their rights has been threatened, the spirit of democratic freedom has warmed each heart and nerved each arm to guard them.
America, the home and refuge for the destitute of all nations, is as prosperous as She is free. She is daily adding town to town and village to village, and making neighbours of her most distant population, by the most stupendous achievements of art. Her trade and commerce, increasing with her people, give abundance to industry; and idleness is nowhere respected for its pedigree among them. She has no debt to embarrass her industry or tame her spirit. Her taxes are few, and applied to the education and benefit of her people. For the last fifty years she has had poverty, prejudice, and vice transplanted from every clime to blend with her people and impede her progress. And notwithstanding all are allowed freely to share in her institutions, upon principles of equality, she has continued, to select men for her presidents and rulers whose characters, conduct, and abilities, in peace or war, are rarely equalled and never surpassed. The only stain in her star-bespangled banner is that remnant of kingly dominion, the slavery of her coloured population; which, like its damning brother, the infant slavery of England, is more a feature of wealth and class domination, than of the spirit of her people or her democratic institutions. But in proportion as knowledge is extending its humanizing influence over the selfishness of wealth, and the power and prejudices created by its dominion, so is American slavery last sinking into that oblivious pit, where all the impediments which now obstruct the happiness of black and white are destined to sink forever.
    Nor need the advocates of democratic government, as known in modern days, confine themselves to the two countries alluded to, for facts and illustrations in proof of its superiority over governments based on any other foundation. During the few years the democratic principle has prevailed in Norway, the rapid improvement and increased prosperity of her people have shone forth the more conspicuously by the dark contrast afforded by her neighbour Sweden, a country blessed by nature with far greater means of happiness, but wanting the stimulating soul of freedom to convert them to the mental and physical uses of her people.
In Spain, a country blessed by God, and for ages cursed by the despotism of man - a country where plundering nobles and liberty-hating priests have bowed the people to the dust - even there, during the brief period of their popular constitution, their slumbering energies were awakened to generate industry, prosperity, and happiness, to which they were previously strangers, and which again vanished, when the liberty was crushed which first awakened them.
In fact, an example can scarcely be produced in modern history of any people, whose laws and institutions have been founded on popular control, without exhibiting distinguishing and beneficial results, above all others.
The opponents of democracy have not failed to collect the vices and follies of the ancient republics, and to display them in all their glaring inconsistencies before us, as so many proofs of the inefficiency and mischief of popular governments. But these ingenious sophists fail at the same time to point out a peculiar feature of modern democracy, which completely nullifies their argument; that feature is popular representation.  By this great improvement in legislation numerous evils which were felt in the ancient democracies are avoided; for while every man can exercise his influence over his representative, to effect his political desires, the passions and prejudices of the multitude are kept back from the deliberations of legislation, or the decisions of justice. Under the representative system, the power of wealth and influence of oratory may exercise an indirect and pernicious influence in parliament; but their potent effects cannot, as in the assemblies of Greece, be brought directly to bear upon the people; whose decisions were oftener biased by interest or feeling, than governed by reason. Moreover, when antiquity is referred to for examples descriptive of the general or political acts of the multitude, it should be remembered that our higher standard of morality, together with the art of printing and popularizing knowledge, has given advantages in favour of our population, so as to render such references useless by way of comparison.
But viewing democracy under all forms, ancient or modern, and estimating its merits by the impulse it has given to intellect, morality, art, science, and all that contribute to the civilization of man, where are the results of kingly or aristocratical dominion that can outvie it in the contrast? True it is, that man may be goaded by coercion, or compelled by necessity, to beautify and enrich the land of his tyrants; but the most noble and enduring records of his power, his intellectual and moral greatness, must spring from energies which freedom alone can awaken. Those splendid remains and ruins of kingly dominion, those monuments of human slavery and mindless folly, which now stand in solitary and crumbling majesty, are destined to fall and be forgotten; but the moral and intellectual records of Grecian and Roman freedom still exist in all their sterling and pristine excellence, mingling with the laws, institutions, literature, and refinements of society, and will be carried down the stream of posterity, and continue to exercise their civilizing influence when the hoary pyramids are crumbled into dust.

    But what are the arguments adduced against our principles by our most decided opponents? or, rather, what are the groundless assertions their prejudices and fears have originated? The ancient and honourable institutions of England, say they, are the cause of her greatness; her power in peace - her success in war - her holy religion - her trade, commerce, and extensive dominion - all spring from "the harmonious government of King, Lords, and Commons."
    That to uphold the power and dominion she has acquired, under these fostering influences, force has been necessary abroad and at home; offices of trust, service and rewards have been created, and "a debt necessarily contracted in providing all these requisites."
    That the liquidation of that "debt" being as impossible as it would be imprudent, (seeing its numerous claimants add to the stability of the government,) "its interest must be punctually and honourably paid. "
    That to meet this annual interest of TWENTY-EIGHT MILLION, "taxes have been imposed to a burthensome though to a necessary extent."
    That this great amount of taxation being severely felt by the middle and working classes, and strong feelings moreover being entertained by them against the established church, the extent of the army and navy, and other necessary parts of our institutions; great danger is to be apprehended from any extension of the suffrage which "may give the masses a preponderating and injurious influence in the Commons' House of Parliament."
    That Universal Suffrage may give them this influence; and from their present deficiency of political information, united with their prejudices against our well-balanced constitution, they are the more likely to be influenced by violent and designing men, to destroy it altogether, and consequently involve in that convulsion "titles, rank, wealth, commerce, and all that constitute the pride and glory of England."
    Such is the general tenor of the arguments (openly or enigmatically expressed) against the claims of the industrious classes, by the opposing factions of Whig and Tory.
    Whether the "greatness" of England has emanated from the clashing and opposing interests denominated a "well balanced constitution," or from her great natural resources and advantages, combined with the most enterprising, skillful, and industrious population in the world, is a question common-sense observers may easily determine; especially if they take the history of our rulers in one hand, and that of her people in the other. So far from agreeing with those constitutional admirers, in all probability they would decide, that much of what is called "greatness" is only insignificance and folly; and that THE TRUE GREATNESS OF ENGAND HAS ARISEN IN SPITE OP THE IGNORANCE, OBSTINACY, AND WICKEDNESS OF HER RULERS.
    Impartial observers might further determine, that the selfish ambition which caused our rulers to rear against the ‘rights and liberties of all nations, and to sacrifice every principle of humanity and justice in extending our colonial dominion, the more effectually to obtain power and wealth for themselves and their dependents; is treason against the God of justice, and arraign them as culprits before his tribunal, for the blood they have spilt, and the treasure they have wasted. And therefore the enormous expenditure consequent on their atrocities, so far from being called "national," should be designated "The Black Record Of Exclusive Legislation." That men in power should so far practise on the credulity of a people as to incur such a debt, and for such a purpose, still to go on increasing it beyond all hopes of payment; still to tax and oppress them for its support, and transmit the burthen to posterity; and still endeavour to persuade them of its numerous advantages, will form a wonder without a parallel in the world's history. But inasmuch as these men, together with their cunning and trafficing associates, have succeeded in beguiling the innocent, the friendless, and the fatherless into the belief that the "funded debt of England" (this imaginative monster) is of all investments the most profitable and secure; and consequently have caused them to invest in it the savings of their industry, the provision for their children, and support for their old age; humanity and justice, being the great characteristics of Englishmen, will rise up in any future legislature to shield and protect such victims of our debt-contracting and liberty-destroying despots.
    When the "justice" can be demonstrated of calling upon one man to support another man's religion; when tithes, pluralities, and high church debauchery can find encouragement from scripture; when standing armies in peace, and navies useless for war, present better uses than resting places for noble and gentle fledgelings; when true merit presents its claims, and real service applies for reward, and when none but the useful and necessary expenditure of our government is presented to the British public; - the church, army, and navy, will meet their reward, and have little to apprehend from popular prejudice or popular suffrage.
    Those strange apprehensions which certain persons feel from the people's desire to be admitted into their own Parliament House, and, according to their old "constitutional right," to manage and economise the national expenditure, indicate troubled and guilty consciences. Else why these dreadful forebodings about the people managing their own affairs?
    According to the "Constitution," the Commons' House belongs to the common people. History inform us, that, at different periods, they have adopted different modes of choosing it, from Universal Suffrage*  to that of individual choice; and if they find their present mode an improper one, they have surely a right to change it for a better, without the interference of those who belong to the other parts of the Constitution. If those they once elected as servants have gradually assumed the mastery, and by the power they were first invested with have rendered the People's House a corrupt and subservient instrument for party and faction to plunder and oppress the industrious with impunity, it is indeed time to talk of radical reform, in order that the people’s portion of the Constitution may be placed in its original position, fairly to "balance" all the others. But if those sticklers for our Constitution, who are industriously opposing the efforts now making to reform the House of Commons, fail to recognize in their reading of that Constitution the right of Universal Suffrage; it will remain for them to prove its great and superior excellence to the satisfaction of the multitude.  And great must be their ingenuity if, in these inquiring times, they can persuade them that universal labour and universal taxation do not fully entitle them to Universal Suffrage.

* See a series of interesting articles on this subject in the Charter Newspaper, signed "Revolitionist."

    The supposition that Universal Suffrage would give the working classes a preponderating power in the House of Commons, is not borne out by the experience of other countries. They are far from possessing such a power even in America, where wealth and rank has far less influence than with us, and where the exercise of the suffrage for more than half a century have given them opportunities to get their rights better represented than they are. But wealth with them, as with us, will always maintain an undue influence till the people are morally, and politically instructed; then, indeed, will wealth secure its just and proper influence, and not, as at present, stand in opposition to the claims of industry, intellect, merit, freedom, and happiness. But the great advantages, of the suffrage in the interim will be these: it will afford the people general and superior means of instruction; it will awaken and concentrate human intellect to remove the evils of social life; and will compel the representatives of the people to redress grievances, improve laws, and provide means of happiness in proportion to the enlightened desires of public opinion. Such indeed are the results we anticipate from the passing of the People's Charter.
    The assumption that the working classes would elect "violent and designing men" is equally absurd and groundless, as their public conduct on several occasions testifies. For, setting aside, as altogether worthless, the idea our opponents entertain, that all who differ from them in politics are "violent and designing," we maintain that, taking into account the whole of the political or municipal contests of the last seven years, the candidates who have been elected by the multitude by a show of hands have been better qualified for their respective offices, both intellectually and morally, than those who were subsequently elected by the privileged class of voters. It would be invidious were we to mention names, and draw parallels in proof of this assertion; but if any man of unbiassed mind will contrast the cases that have come within the range of his experience during that period, he will agree with its general correctness. Whether such discrimination in working men betrays the "want of political information," and proves the superior mental qualification of electors, can only be partially proved, and that by examining the meritorious acts of the successful candidates. It would be well, however, if those who taunt the industrious classes with their "political ignorance," had first reviewed their political struggles during the last ten or twelve years. If they had considered their efforts to establish the rights of free discussion, to open mechanics' institutions, establish reading rooms and libraries, form working men's associations, and others of a like character; and, above all, their sufferings and difficulties in establishing a cheap press, by which millions of periodicals are weekly diffusing their enlightening influences throughout the empire; and then, if those scoffers at the ignorance of the millions had considered their present efforts to obtain their political rights, we think they would have reserved their illiberal taunts for others than the working classes. True it is that individual exceptions among the middle and upper classes have meritoriously assisted in all those efforts; but the energies, sufferings, and pence of the working classes mainly effected those glorious triumphs. The aristocracy, for the most part, have ever been active persecutors of all political improvement; and the middle classes, too intent on buying, selling, and speculating, have remained apathetic or sneering spectators of the efforts of the many; till success showed the prospect of advantage, and patronage appeared profitable.
It is further said, that considerable doubts are entertained of the propriety of trusting the working classes with power, lest they use it to the prejudice of rank and property, and the injury of our institutions.  But what foundation is there for such doubts? In what country of the world are the rights of property more respected? Where are there more laws to guard it, and where are such laws more easily enforced, than in England? In fact, the patient submission to arbitrary and unjust laws for securing property (laws in opposition to their constitutional rights), constitute the weakness of Englishmen. When property has been threatened by foreign foe or domestic spoiler, who have been more forward to defend or active to guard it, than the culminated and unprotected sons of labour? Petty spoilers exist in every country, but the grand enemies and violators of property in England are to be found among the enemies of the labourer. Corrupt and blundering politicians, gambling fundholders, speculating tricksters in trade and commerce, these are the great violators of the rights of property; men who, by one specious act or knavish trick, swamp the prosperity of millions, and convert in a moment the most enlivening prospects of industry to the desolation of despair. But even in those convulsions of ignorance or fraud, who are keener sufferers than the working classes? or who have had more useful experience to convince them of the necessity of property being fixed on the firmest foundations, than those whose homes of comfort have been rendered miserable by those political or commercial panics? Where, too, are the claims of merit or the legitimate influence of rank better appreciated than with us? or where are the efforts of humanity and benevolence better supported and encouraged than among the labouring population of England? Then away with those ungenerous surmises, those fears and anxieties respecting them.  Their interests are blinded with the interests of property, and they have sufficient good sense to perceive it - their hopes of happiness are based on the prosperity of their country, and all and everything appertaining to individuals, to classes, to our laws or institutions which can in any way be promotive of general prosperity, will ever be held sacred and inviolate by the industrious and generous-hearted people of Great Britain and Ireland.

   But, say some of our most captious and prejudiced opponents, while there is some truth in these observations regarding the general disposition and feelings of the working classes if they were left to their own unbiassed judgments, an exception must be made to that mischievous and discontented party who, under the names of " Reformers," "Radicals," and " Chartists," are actively engaged in spreading dangerous opinions among the people, and exciting them to acts of violence, incendiarism, and revolution. Now, as we belong to this very "discontented party," and plead guilty to the title of "Chartist," and are as active too as our humble abilities permit in propagating what the enemies of truth call "dangerous opinions;" yet we beg to disclaim on behalf of the Chartists generally the charge of "violence and incendiarism.'' The term "revolutionary" may be very appropriate in characterising all effectual reforms. - But what proofs of "violence or incendiarism" have they to adduce against the great body of the Chartists? Unless, indeed, like Warwickshire juries, they find their verdict on one case by the facts of another. A few individuals may certainly be found in different parts of the country, whose feelings or sympathies have at times got the better of their judgments, and prompted them to talk violently or behave unjustly; and others from very different motives may have committed very illegal and wicked acts; but we hold it to be equally as unjust to condemn the great body of Chartists for such acts, as it would be to condemn the whole of the aristocracy or any other class of persons, because bad men have frequently been found among them. But such conduct would appear to be a part of the tactics of our opponents, in order to afford a pretext for prosecution, and to scare the timid and unreflecting from our ranks. It has been customary, time immemorial, for the advocates of injustice and gainers by corruption to impugn the motives and execrate the name of every man who, sympathising with his brethren, has been induced to step out of their ranks to make known their grievances and embody their feelings in the language of truth. And the time has been when such daring conduct has met with torture and death. The progress of opinion has, however, limited the power of despotism; and slander, persecution, and imprisonment are the modern instruments for stifling grievances, and checking the progress of truth. If, however, those persons to whom fate has consigned the destinies of government ever profited by experience, it might be supposed that they had had already sufficient to convince them of the fallacy of such persecuting efforts. It is true they may crush victim after victim, and by reeking swords and revengeful laws strike back one timid adherent after another, in the vain attempt to keep back just principles; but the energies and sympathies God has implanted in the human mind will ever cause such principles to be fostered, and will ever embolden new advocates to extend their dominion. But corrupt and selfish rulers seldom reason on future consequences; they have hitherto been blindly permitted to cut through every obstacle by force, to add injustice to the misery they create, and thus transmit new difficulties to their successors. Happy would it be however for posterity, if all those who are seeking to promote the happiness of mankind raised their voices against such monstrous injustice, and, instead of siding with unjust governors, investigated the claims of the governed. Had this been done towards the Chartists, or had even those men who professed the principles of Chartism before they were combined in a definite and practical form, been true to their professions, and put themselves, as they ought, in front of the public will they helped to create, much of the bitterness of feeling and violence of language which disappointment and distrust occasioned would have been spared, and, ere now, one of the most important of triumphs achieved in favour of human liberty.
    What, let it be asked, are the claims of the Chartists? What is their character? And who are the men so designated? Are their claims unjust? Are they unreasonable? Are their characters depraved? Are they men dangerous to the welfare and happiness of society? Let all those uninterested in the corruptions of the present system ask those questions; let them examine carefully, investigate impartially; and Chartism will soon have additional defenders. They will find their claims to be based on just, scriptural, and constitutional foundations. They will find their principles ably set forth in the annals of whiggery, and vindicated by the most eloquent and talented of British statesmen. And if the most active and reflecting portion of our population, the most temperate and industrious, and the most earnest in their desire to see justice substituted for oppression, truth for falsehood, and knowledge for ignorance, have any claims of character the reverse of depravity, then such investigators would find that Chartism and the character of the Chartists have been grossly misrepresented: for of the majority of such characters are their ranks composed. Doubtlessly they are not free, any more than other bodies, from individuals who are prompted by vain, ambitious, or interested motives; nor are they all equally temperate in language or action; but of this we are certain, from our intimate knowledge of the working class, that the Chartists are the elite of that class, both intellectually and morally, and are influenced by the most generous and disinterested desire to promote the happiness of their fellow-men. Their general character must not be estimated by individual or isolated cases of violence or folly. They have often been deceived themselves by the high-sounding professions of individuals both within and without St. Stephen's; and when they have seen their most humble supplications scoffed at and disregarded, a different or a louder tone must not be set down to their prejudice. In fact, the experience of the past would seem to indicate that the passions of the multitude are frequently God's messengers to teach their oppressors justice; for when they have spurned alike reason and argument, they have often yielded to passion what they have refused to sober justice. There is little hope, however, that our modern rulers will improve upon the old; but if all those truly benevolent minds who are labouring earnestly to improve the condition of the multitude, would carry their investigations to the root of our political and social evils would separate themselves from corrupt oppressors, and unite with those of the industrious classes who are in pursuit of the same object as themselves; they would find the great body of the Chartists the most efficient instruments that could be desired in carrying forward all the beneficial reforms contemplated; and the Chartists, in return, animated by such cooperation, would prove the most zealous, temperate, and powerful auxiliaries in banishing intemperance, poverty, and crime, and in raising the intellectual and moral character; of the people beyond the expectations of the most sanguine philanthropist.
    But, fellow-workmen, while we ought to be anxious for the co-operation of good men among all classes, we should mainly rely on our own energies to effect our own freedom. For if we fail in activity, perseverance, and watchful exertions, and supinely trust our liberties to others, our disappointment will remind us of our folly, and new burthens and restrictions place our hopes at a still greater distance. Benevolent and well-intentioned individuals of all classes have warmly espoused our principles, and have zealously laboured to extend them; and thousands, we trust, will yet be found equally ardent and effective. But when we consider the various influences of rank, wealth, and station, which are continually operating to deter all those above our own 'sphere from becoming the open and daring advocates of our rights; and consider, moreover, the numerous links of relationship, professions, business-connection, interest, and friendship, which bind them to our present system; we should be the more readily convinced of the necessity of self-reliance, and the more firmly resolved by the concentration of every mental and moral energy nature has given us, To Build Up The Sacred Temple Of Our Own Liberties. The means are within our grasp, if we judiciously apply them, and no power on earth can prevent the consummation of so glorious an achievement. Then shall we the better appreciate what we have intellectually and morally erected; then shall we stand on its threshold erect, and enter its precincts rejoicing - possessing rights and feelings which no earthly power can confer, and inspired with a mental devotedness to use them for our country's welfare. And when we shall be no more, then may our children proudly point to that edifice raised by their hard-working progenitors when they were depressed by poverty, weakened by toil, and cursed by corrupt and plundering oppressors. Let our hopes then be built on our own united exertions, and let those exertions be proportioned to the magnitude of our object, and success will soon yield us a bountiful reward.
In proportion to our earnestness and perseverance will our numbers be extended, will our resources and influence increase, and will men of all ranks find it to be their interests to advocate the principles they now spurn, and to associate with the men they now stigmatize and persecute.
    Unquestionably a superficial consideration of the exertions we have made and the disappointments we have experienced, during the last three or four years, is too apt to dispirit us. For, while lamenting our poverty and complaining of our burthens, we have seen one oppressive project after another introduced into parliament, supported by those we thought our friends, and eventually carried by large majorities. We have exhausted reason and argument to show the injustice of such measures, and have prayed and supplicated in vain against their enactment. Finding our rights and interests daily sacrificed by such conduct, we sought a share in the making of the laws we were called upon to obey. We availed ourselves of the constitutional usages of our country - we met in millions, and peaceably petitioned for redress. While our complaints were disregarded, our arguments exasperated and our numbers excited the terror of our oppressors. Hence, every delusive scheme was invented to check the progress of our principles, and every species of force employed to silence the voice of our advocates. The right of public meeting was invaded by despotic mandates, and a new system of espionage adopted to control our boasted freedom of speech and liberty of action. In fact every means that our rulers could devise and their minions execute, have been adopted to keep us in social and political bondage.
But, fellow-countrymen, while the recollection of such injustice may cast a momentary cloud across our hopes, the voice of duty should arouse us to redouble our exertions in a cause so noble as the one we have espoused. If we remain in apathy, be assured that the misery of the Irish peasant will be our lot or that of our offspring; for, as certain as the demon of misrule has withered the energies and drained out the vitals of that unfortunate country, so will it drive out British capital by its taxation, monopolies, and oppression; and by drying up the resources of labour, break down and extinguish our middle class population, and reduce us to such degradation and wretchedness as in all ages have ever followed the track of unjust government and corrupt spoilers. But if we stand forward as a band of brothers, linked in the cause of benevolence and justice, and resolve, at any sacrifice, to avert a fate so miserable to ourselves and posterity, our numbers, our resources, and combined operations, will surely reward us with success.
    But, then, it may be asked, what other form of combination, what other means than those we have already employed, can be adopted to accomplish our political and social salvation? Must we again spend our pence and breath in useless prayers for justice?  Must we, whose industry sustains the state, and whose arms defend it, humbly crave our rights from those who profit by our wrongs, and get rewarded for our servility with bludgeons and sabres? Fellow-countrymen, while these last questions have occupied our most serious attention, we cannot recommend the repetition of such useless and hopeless labours. The most important questions that, we conceive, have engaged our attention during the last twelve months are these:- How can we best create and extend an enlightened public opinion in favour of the People's Charter, such as shall peaceably cause its enactment; and how shall that opinion be morally and politically trained and concentrated, so as to realize ALL THE SOCIAL HAPPINESS that can be made  to result from the powers and energies of representative democracy? While we have no disposition to renew the unwise and unprofitable discussion regarding "moral," and "physical" force; and while we maintain that the people have the same right to employ similar means to regain their liberties, as have been used to enslave them, we are anxious, as we have ever been, to effect our object in peace.  And though we incurred no small share of censure from the most ardent of our brethren, for contending for the superiority of our moral energies over our physical abilities, we think the disposition we evinced, and the part we performed, both in and out of the Convention, towards carrying all and every righteous measure into effect likely to promote the passing of the Charter, will sufficiently exonerate us from any charge of cowardice, as well as from any selfish predilection in favour of our own opinions. And, however we may regret, we are not disposed to condemn, the confident reliance many of our brethren placed on their physical resources, nor complain of the strong feelings they manifested against us, and all who differed in opinion from them. We are now satisfied that many of them experience more acute sufferings, and daily witness worse scenes of wretchedness, than sudden death can possibly inflict, or battle-strife disclose to them. For, what worse can those experience on earth who, from earliest morn to latest night, are toiling in misery, yet starving while they toil - who, possessing all the anxieties of fond parents, cannot satisfy their children with bread - who, susceptible of every domestic affection, perceive their hearths desolate, and little ones neglected, while the wives of their bosoms are exhausting every toiling faculty in the field or workshop, to add to the scanty portion which merely serves to protract their lives of care-worn wretchedness? Men thus steeped in misery, and standing on the very verge of existence, cannot philosophise on prudence; they are disposed to risk their lives on any chance which offers the prospect of immediate relief, as the only means of rendering life supportable, or helping them to escape death in its most agonizing forms. When we further reflect on the circumstances which have hitherto influenced the great mass of mankind, we are not surprised at the feeling that prevails in favour of physical force. When we consider their early education - their school-book heroes - their historical records of military and naval renown - their idolized warriors of sea and land - their prayers for conquest, and thanksgivings for victories - and the effect of all these influences to expand their combative faculties, and weaken their moral powers, we need not wonder that men generally place so much reliance on physical force, and undervalue the superior force of their reason and moral energies. Experience, however, will eventually dispel this delusion, and will cause reformers to hold in reserve the exercise of the former, till the latter has been proved to be ineffectual. Nor can we help entertaining the opinion, that recent experience has greatly served to lessen the faith of the most sanguine in their theory of force, and caused them to review proposals they once spurned as visionary and contemptible. While we never doubted the constitutional right of Englishmen to possess "arms," we have doubted the propriety of placing reliance on such means for effecting our freedom; and further reflection has convinced us, that far more effective and certain means are within our reach.
Thus far we have deemed it necessary to explain our views on this point, and now let us cast the mantle of oblivion over all past follies and by-gone dissensions; we have one great object in view, and must be one in soul to achieve it.  We have suffered persecution for that object, but have not been convinced of the justice of our enemies - we have been crushed with severity, but our spirits have not been broken - calumny has assailed our cause, but has failed to lessen our attachment to it - the triumph of our principles has been delayed, but it will not be the less certain. But, fellow-countrymen, in order to ensure this speedily, we should endeavour, in the first place, to satisfy ourselves as to the most efficient kind of combination, and then direct all our energies to its accomplishment. And in this pursuit we must avoid all contentious feelings, and carefully and calmly consider the different propositions that may be submitted for our consideration. With this desire, we respectfully submit that our combination should be such as to induce all those to join us who are sincerely interested in the social and political improvement of the millions - such as shall render us the most efficient aid to effect these objects, while it places us in the best possible position to enforce our political claims – and such as our progress will afford ourselves and children the means of superior education, so that permanent benefits and substantial fruits may result from our labours.   As some persons, however, may imagine that such important results are not within the compass of practicability, while others may suppose that the numerous objects embraced in such a plan are calculated to place our political emancipation at a great distance, we proceed at once to submit the following "Plan, Rules and Regulations" for the consideration of our bretheren, hoping we shall hereafter be able to demonstrate its practicability, and prove it to be the nearest means towards the accomplishment of our great object - that of securing to all men Their Equal Political And Social Rights.

PROPOSED PLAN, RULES, AND REGULATIONS
OF AN ASSOCIATION, TO BE ENTITLED,
THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION
OF THE
UNITED KINGDOM.
For Promoting the Political and Social Improvement of the People.

While general or local associations are not wanting for extending in charity the dogmas and exclusiveness of sects, or proclaiming the ostentatiousness of pride - for spreading knowledge and sympathy abroad, while both are greatly needed at home- for the mitigation of the physical and mental ills of life, while the originating causes are neglected - for the acquisition of languages, literature, and professional skill - for refining the tastes and enriching the imaginations of mankind - for investigating the properties of all nature, from the most minute object to the most stupendous - and for rendering the powers and uses of every element subservient to the production of wealth; there seems to be wanting an association paramount in importance to all - One For Politically And Socially Improving The People.
    To supply this great national deficiency, it is proposed that an association be established, and that the following be its objects:
    First. To unite, in one general body, persons of all CREEDS, CLASSES, and OPINIONS, who are desirous to promote the political and social improvement of the people.
    Second. To create and extend an enlightened public opinion in favour of the principles of the People's Charter, and by every just means secure its enactment; so that the industrious classes may be placed in possession of the franchise, the most important step to all political and social reformation.
    Third. To erect Public Halls or Schools For The People throughout the kingdom, upon the most approved principles, and in such districts as may be necessary. Such halls to be used during the day as INFANT, PREPARATORY, and HIGH SCHOOLS, in which the children shall be educated on the most approved plans the association can devise; embracing physical, mental, moral, and political instruction; - and used of an evening for PUBLIC LECTURES, on physical, moral, and political science; for READINGS, DISCUSSIONS, MUSICAL ENTERTAINMENTS, DANCING, and such other healthful and rational recreations as may serve to instruct and cheer the industrious classes after their hours of toil, and prevent the formation of vicious and intoxicating habits. Such halls to have two commodious playgrounds, and where practicable, a pleasure garden, attached to each; apartments for the teachers, rooms for hot and cold baths, for a small museum, a laboratory and general workshop, where the children may be taught experiments in science, as well as the first principles of the most useful trades.
Fourth. To establish, in such towns or districts as may be found necessary, Normal or Teachers' Schools, for the purpose of instructing schoolmasters and mistresses in the most approved systems of physical, mental, moral, and political training.
Fifth. To establish, on the most approved system, such as Agricultural And Industrial Schools as may be required, for the education and support of the orphan children of the association, and for instructing them in some useful trade or occupation.
    Sixth. To establish Circulating Libraries, from a hundred to two hundred volumes each, containing the most useful works on politics, morals, the sciences, history, and such instructive and entertaining works as may be generally approved of. Such libraries to vary as much as possible from each other, and to be sent in rotation from one town or village in the district to another; there to be placed in the hands of a responsible person, to be lent out according to the rules, and, after a stated time, forwarded to the next district.
    Seventh. To print, from time to time, such Tracts and Pamphlets as the association may consider necessary for promoting its objects, and, when its organization is complete, to publish a monthly or quarterly national periodical.
    Eighth. To offer premiums, whenever it may be considered advisable, for the best essays on the instruction of children; for the best description of school-books for infants, juveniles, and adults; or for any other object promotive of the social and political welfare of the people.
    Ninth. To appoint as many Missionaries as may be deemed necessary, to visit the different districts of the Kingdom, for the purposes of explaining the mews of the association for promoting its efficient organization, for lecturing on its different objects, for visiting the different schools when erected, and otherwise seeing that the intentions of the general body are carried into effect in the several localities, according to the instructions they may receive from the general board.
    Tenth. To devise, from time to time, the best means by which the members in their several localities may collect subscriptions and donations in aid of the above objects, may manage the superintendence of the halls and schools of their respective districts, may have due control over all the affairs of the association, and share in all its advantages, without incurring personal risk, or violating the laws of the country.

RULES

OFFICERS OF THE ASSOCIATION

The affairs of this association shall be conducted by a general board of management, a president, vice-president, treasurer, secretary, and such sub-committees and assistants as may be found necessary.

GENERAL BOARD - HOW CHOSEN

Every county possessing five hundred members of this association shall be privileged to elect one member to the general board of management; and if possessing more than twice that number, may elect two members, but no more. Their election shall take place in the month of May in each year, in the following manner:- A public meeting of all the members of the association within the county shall be called, by public advertisement, for the purpose of electing a member or members of the general board, of which meeting six days' notice shall be given. On the day of meeting, after the proposers, seconders, and candidates have explained their views, the voting shall commence, and the votes be collected as follows: As many balloting boxes as may be found necessary shall be placed in different parts of the meeting, each box having as many partitions as there are candidates (or one box for each, if found more convenient); and on the top and front of each partition shall be legibly affixed the names of the respective candidates. Two scrutineers shall be appointed by each candidate to stand by each balloting place, to see that none but persons qualified do vote, and that the voting is conducted fairly. The members of the association shall then vote with their cards of the last quarter, and them only (and persons unwell or residing at a distance may send their cards, and empower their friends to vote for them); which cards they shall drop into the partitions of their favourite candidates, through a slit on the top of each partition.*

* If there are two members to be elected, the cards may be torn in two.

After it has been publicly announced from the hustings that the balloting is about to be closed, and a further reasonable time allowed for all members present to vote, the balloting shall cease. The boxes shall then be sealed, and taken away to the first convenient place, where, in the presence of the candidates, or their friends, the scrutineers shall count the votes. After which they shall at once proceed to the hustings, and publicly announce the names and numbers of the respective candidates, and declare the persons who are elected.

THE PRESIDENT - HIS DUTIES

It shall be the duty of the president to attend all meetings of the general board, and preside over their deliberations. He shall see that all questions are discussed consecutively, according to the notices given; that no member speak more than once on the same question unless in reply; and that proper order and decorum be preserved. He shall sign all official orders or documents passed by the board, as well as all money orders voted by them, or commissioned by their authority. He shall be empowered to order an especial meeting of the board to be summoned on any extraordinary occasion, as well as to order a meeting of the officers of the association to be called, whenever he may deem it necessary.

THE VICE-PRESIDENT - HIS DUTIES

During the time the president is present, the vice-president shall assist in the business of the board, and when he is absent, shall preside over their deliberations. He shall also perform such other duties appertaining to the office of president as he may require of him under his written authority.

THE TREASURER - HIS DUTIES

The treasurer shall cause all moneys received by him to pass through the hands of the bankers, and shall keep a correct account from their books of all moneys transmitted to them, and the names of the persons from whom sent. He shall pay, by checks on the banker, all bills of the association under an order of the general board, and signed by himself, the president, or vice-president, but not otherwise. His accounts of receipts and expenditure shall be open for the inspection of the general board, and other officers of the association, whenever they meet; and every year he shall prepare a general balance-sheet, to be laid before the board the first day of its sittings.

THE SECRETARY - HIS DUTIES

The secretary shall attend all meetings of the general board, as well as all meetings of the officers of the association, and keep correct minutes of their proceedings; which minutes he shall read over at the next meeting. He shall conduct all the correspondence of the association, and confer with its officers respecting all business of importance. He shall see that new cards are issued for the members (of a different colour each quarter), and are forwarded to the members of the general board, as hereafter provided. All moneys, either subscriptions or donations, which pass into his hands, he shall hand over to the treasurer, and keep a correct account of the same, as well as of all petty cash he may have expended, and make out an account of the same, to be laid before the general board the first day of its sittings.

MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL BOARD - THEIR DUTIES

The members of the general board shall meet in London on the first Monday in June in each year, for the transaction of business; they shall hold their sittings from day to day (Sunday excepted), but shall not prolong them beyond a fortnight; and in case an extraordinary meeting be convened by the president, their sittings shall not exceed that time. Their meetings shall be open to gentlemen of the press, and such members of the association as the room will accommodate. The expenses of the members of the board to and from London must be defrayed by the members of their respective counties. It shall also be their duty to receive, from the secretary, the new cards for the members every quarter; as well as to appoint responsible and proper persons to issue the same to members (or persons desirous of becoming members) in different parts of their respective counties. They shall keep a list of the names and residences of the persons they may so appoint, as well as a correct account of the cards they entrust to them for distribution. They shall also see that such persons do properly fill up the cards, and keep a correct list of the members who purchase them; so that the numbers not disposed of may be returned when required. It shall also be their duty to see that no cards are issued on credit, and that the receipts of those sold are returned to them before they send out the cards of the next quarter. At the commencement of every quarter they shall cause all sums in their possession to be transmitted to the bankers of the association in the names of the treasurer, president, and vice-president for the time being; arid at the same time send the particulars to the secretary, who, on ascertaining that the money is received, shall transmit them a receipt. They shall be paid the postages of all letters and carriages of all parcels by the treasurer of the association.

SUB-COMMITTEE - THEIR DUTIES

The president, vice-president, treasurer, and secretary, for the time being, together with such members of the general board as choose to attend, shall be considered a perpetual sub-committee when the board is not sitting. They shall meet every three months, or oftener if required, for the purpose of performing such business as may be necessary, their powers having been previously defined by the general board.

THE MISSIONARIES - THEIR DUTIES

The missionaries shall be appointed by the general board, at a weekly salary, out of which they shall pay all the expenses of their mission. It shall be their duty to visit such places and perform such duties as the board may require, according to a plan of their route and written instructions they shall receive. It shall be their especial duty to perfect the organization of the association in each county they may be called upon to visit, to explain its objects and advantages, to visit the different schools, see that the books and tracts of the association are properly circulated, and that its rules are everywhere properly observed. They shall be supplied by the association with placards for calling such meetings as may be required, together with tracts for distribution, and cards and rules, if necessary.

COUNTIES TO BE DIVIDED INTO DISTRICTS

In order to divide the different counties into districts, according to such numbers of the association in each as would render the erection of a hall and establishment of schools useful, it shall be the duty of the members of the general board to call a general meeting, on the first of October in each year, of all the persons they have appointed to issue members' cards in different parts of their respective counties. The persons so assembled in each county shall determine the number of districts in their county, according to the number of paying members, which shall be denominated Hall Districts. They shall then make out a proper list of such districts, which, having been signed by the chairman of the meeting, and five others, shall be forwarded to the secretary of the association, for purposes hereafter mentioned.

THE ERECTION OF DISTRICT HALLS

At the annual meeting of the general board, they shall determine, according to the funds in the hands of the bankers, how many district halls shall be erected; and in order that the funds may be usefully and justly apportioned, the following plan shall be. Adopted: - The names of all the counties in which there are five hundred members of the association shall be written on as many different slips of paper, which slips shall be carefully folded and put into a balloting box properly constructed for the purpose. A person shall then be called into the room, and requested to draw out as many of the said slips as it has been previously resolved to erect halls; the names on which slips shall be the counties in which they shall be erected. The counties having been so determined on, the names of the districts in each successful county shall be written on similar slips of paper, and each county separately balloted for in like manner; the last drawn slip in each county shall be the district in which the hall shall be erected. As soon as the balloting is concluded, the secretary shall write to each of the successful districts, requesting them to call a general meeting of the members of the association residing in the district, for the purpose of electing twelve proper persons for superintending the erection of the hall, and for its management when erected, as well as seven trustees, in whose names the property shall be invested in trust for the benefit of the district, according to rules and regulations which the general board shall provide for those several purposes. It shall also be the duty of the association to appoint a qualified person to see that the hall is erected in accordance with its plans and objects; but if any additional sum be added by the subscriptions or donations of the district, such sums may be applied to beautify or enlarge it in any manner, so long as the original design be complied with.

NORMAL SCHOOLS

In order to provide such schools as the association may establish with efficient teachers it shall be the duty of the general board to establish, as soon as possible, such normal schools (with model schools attached to them) as may be required. They shall found them in such places, and on such rules and regulations, as in their judgment will best promote the objects of the association. They shall also see that such normal schools are provided with proper school-teachers or directors, and supplied with the best works on physical, mental, moral, and political training; as well as such school apparatus as will best serve to perfect the teachers in the art of properly training the rising generation. The rules referred to shall declare the qualifications for admitting persons to be instructed as teachers, and after they have studied the time required by the rules, and have been declared fully competent by the directors, they shall be provided with credentials of the association attesting the same; and after a sufficient number of such teachers are properly qualified, none shall be employed in the schools of the association but those provided with such certificates.

AGRICULTURAL AND INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS

It shall be the duty of the general board to establish (as soon as their funds will enable them) such agricultural and industrial schools as may be found necessary for the educating, supporting, and instructing in some useful trade or occupation the orphan children of the association. They shall be established on the most approved plans, and in such situations as the board may consider desirable, and shall be provided with such efficient means of instruction and support as shall hereafter be set forth in the rules and regulations of the association.

SUPERINTENDENTS TO BE ANNUALLY ELECTED

After the first election of the superintendents of the halls and schools as before provided for, an annual election of them shall take place in the month of July in each year, in the following manner:- The old superintendents (or any twenty members, if they refuse), shall cause a notice to be stuck on the front of the hall door a fortnight previous to the election, announcing the time when and place where the meeting of the members of the district shall take place for the purpose of electing twelve superintendents for the next year, and stating the time when all nominations must be given in. Lists of the persons so nominated shall then be printed, and one be sent to each of the members, who shall mark off on the list the twelve persons he or she approves of; and on the day of the meeting shall drop such list in a box made for that purpose. Four scrutineers shall then be appointed to examine such lists, and declare who are the persons elected. The superintendents of the last year shall be eligible to be reelected.

RESIGNATIONS OR DEATHS

On the resignation or death of any member of the general board, his place shall be filled up in the same manner as is pursued at a general election; excepting that the members shall be supplied with voting tickets instead of their quarterly cards. On the resignation or death of any general officer of the association, his place shall be filled up or supplied by the sub-committee, till the next meeting of the general board. And on the resignation or death of any district superintendent, the duties shall be performed by his colleagues till the next annual election.

ALTERATION OF RULES

Any member of the general board desirous of proposing any alteration or amendment in the rules and regulations of the association, shall give two days' notice of the same, and the alteration shall be discussed at the next meeting, and finally determined on at the next succeeding meeting, by a majority of votes.

RULES FOR THE CIRCULATING LIBRARIES

The general board shall determine, from time to time, the number of circulating libraries, and the description of books, that shall be provided in conformity with the objects of the association.
    The case for each library shall be fitted up with moveable partitions, and so constructed as to form a strong box when shut, and (by hinging it in the centre of the back) a book-case when open.
    The books in each case shall be properly numbered, and a catalogue and rules enclosed in each case, which shall be fastened with a lock and key.
    The district teachers shall be the librarians, and in the event of there being none in a district, the members of the association therein shall select responsible persons to act as librarians, and shall send the names of such persons to the secretary of the association.
    The general sub-committee shall cause the libraries to be sent in rotation to the different counties; and the librarians shall send them in rotation to the several districts in each county.
    Each library shall be retained in a district three months; and when the arrangements of the association will permit, four libraries shall be sent to each district every year.
    The expenses of conveyance to the several counties shall be paid by the association, and the expense from district to district by the members of each; all fines to be applied to that purpose.
    The loss of any books, or injury of any library, shall be made good by the district in which such loss or injury occurs.
    The books shall be lent out under the following regulations, or such others as may hereafter be found necessary.
    The librarian shall issue any volume contained in the library to any member of the association who produces a card of membership.
No member shall have more than one volume at a time, nor keep it longer than one week; but any volume may be re-issued to the same person, if not bespoke.
If any member keeps a volume longer than a week, he or she shall pay a fine of one halfpenny per day for every day above that time.
If any book already issued shall be bespoke by a member, that member shall have it next.
    Any member injuring a volume shall pay such reasonable fine as the district superintendents shall require.
    Any person not a member may be allowed the use of the library, on leaving the value of the volume in the hands of the librarian, and by paying a penny for each volume.
    The librarian shall keep an account of all the receipts and fines of the library, which shall be open for the inspection of the members, and applied as before mentioned.

RULES FOR THE HALLS

The district halls shall be erected on such plans as the general board may conceive best calculated to promote the objects of the association.
    Each hall shall be fitted up and furnished with such seats, tables, desks, school-apparatus, and other requisites, as may be necessary, at the expense of the association.
    Every district hall, when erected, shall be invested ill the names of such trustees as the members of the association residing in the district may think proper to elect, and be legally secured for their benefit, and that of the working classes of the district, for all future time.
    The officers of the association shall also provide, by every legal means in their power, that such halls be hereafter devoted to the purposes originally intended, and as declared by their rules and objects.
    The sole management and superintendence of the hall and schools shall be in the power of the twelve superintendents for the time being.
    The superintendents shall be elected annually, as provided by the rules of the association, but may be removed for misconduct or neglect of duty; the same to be decided at a general meeting of the members of the district, called for that purpose.
    The trustees shall have no other power or control in the management than such as is vested in them by the title deeds, unless they are appointed superintendents as well.
It shall be the duty of the superintendents to see that the hall is applied to such purposes as are declared in the objects of the association, and that its rules and regulations are properly enforced.
At any general meeting of the members of the district, they may make such by-laws as they may consider necessary for the regulation of the hall, for the furnishing the museum, laboratory, and workshop, and for the management of the baths, but they must not contravene the laws and objects of the association; such by-laws to be enforced by the superintendents.
    The superintendents may let out the hall (at any time when not required by the members) for any object promotive of the welfare of the people; the proceeds to be applied to the purposes of the hall or schools.
    Every member on entering the hall shall be compelled to show his or her quarterly card; and none but members shall be admitted, unless by such by-laws or regulations as may have been previously agreed on by the members.
    Any member wilfully violating any general rule, regulation, or by-law, may be expelled the association by a vote of the members belonging to the district, at a general meeting called to investigate such conduct.
   The great object of the association being to advance the social happiness and political dignity of the people of the United Kingdom, and intoxication being one of the greatest obstacles to that end, it shall be the especial duty of the superintendents to see that all intoxicating drinks are carefully excluded from the hall, school, playgrounds, or garden adjoining, as well as from all public meetings, festivals, and entertainments of the members. Nor shall the hall, rooms, or grounds adjoining, be let to any parties, for any purpose, where intoxicating drinks shall be introduced.*

* Arrangements might easily be made for procuring coffee, tea, ginger beer, lemonade, or any other refreshment, upon an economical scale.

RULES FOR SCHOOLS

Every district hall shall be constructed on such a plan as to have (in addition to its other apartments,) two lofty and spacious rooms, one above another, to serve the purposes of school-rooms during the day, and lecture, reading-rooms, &c., of an evening.
    The lower room shall be used as an Infant School for boys and girls from three to six years of age; and the upper room as a Preparatory School for children from six to nine, and High School for children from nine years of age and upwards, of both sexes. In all the schools the boys should sit on one side of the room, and the girls on the other.
    Both school-rooms shall be fitted up on the most approved principles, and the arrangements in the upper room shall be such that the children of the high school shall be separated from those of the preparatory school. The upper room shall be furnished with tables instead of writing-desks, and so constructed as to answer the purposes of the school, and that of the lectures, festivals, &c.
    The play-grounds shall be fenced round, and a border round each of them shall be tastefully laid out with plants, flowers, and such fruit and other trees as may be suited to the locality. There shall also be such gymnastic arrangements made, as may be considered necessary for the exercise of the children. The play-ground on one side of the hall shall be for the children of the infant school, and that on the other for the children of the other schools. Whenever locality and circumstances will permit, a piece of ground shall be attached to the hall, for the purpose of teaching the children a knowledge of horticulture and gardening, as well as for the pleasure and amusement of the members of the association. No child under six years of age shall be admitted into the preparatory school until he has gone through the rudiments of the infant school; nor shall any pupil be admitted into the high school until he has been qualified by the instruction of the preparatory school.
The plan of education in all the schools shall be THE BEST THE GENERAL BOARD CAN DEVISE for giving the best physical, mental, moral, and political training to the children, so as to prepare them in strength, morality, and intellect, to enjoy their own existence, and to render the greatest amount of benefit to others.
   In the Infant School cleanliness and punctual attendance should be scrupulously insisted upon, as one of the best means of amalgamating of class distinctions, and preserving the children from corrupting influences. The first object of the teachers should be to place the children in accordance with the laws of their organization. And it is doubtless in opposition to those laws to confine them in close atmospheres, drilled to sit in one posture for hours, and to have their little feelings operated upon by the fear of the rod, of confinement, and of all the numerous follies at present practised to compel submission. The air and exercise of the play-ground are the first essentials at this early stage, where their teachers should as carefully watch over them as in the school-room, and, when all their faculties are in full activity, infuse those principles of action, justice, and kindness, necessary to form their character, which at that age will be more impressive than book instruction. They should be taught a knowledge of things as well as of words, and have their properties and uses impressed on their senses by the exhibition and explanation of objects. Principles of morality should not be merely repeated by rote, but the why and wherefore familiarly explained to them; their leading precept and practice should be to "love one another."
In the Preparatory School the same habits of regularity and cleanliness should be enforced. They should, as best fitting to their physical development, have sufficient time for healthful exercise and recreation. They should be carefully taught the laws of their organization, and the evils of infringing them; as forming the most important lessons to inculcate temperance in eating and drinking, and all their physical enjoyments. They should be equally taught the evils that are certain to arise to themselves and society from the infringement of the moral laws of their nature. It should be the duty of their teachers familiarly to acquaint them with the social and political relations that exist between them and their fellow-beings. They should be taught by the most simple explanations and experiments to perceive and discover the use, property and relationship of every object within their own locality, and learn to express in writing, and in correct language, the ideas they have received. The use and principles of arithmetic should be taught them by the most simple methods. They should be taught to understand the principles and practice of music, a gratification and a solace even in the hut of poverty. Their imagination should be sedulously cultivated, by directing their attention to everything lovely, grand, or stupendous, around them; as affording a wholesome stimulus to greatness of mind, and a powerful antidote against the grovelling vices so prevalent in society. In fact, the end and object of their teachers should be the equal and judicious development of all their faculties, and not the mere cultivation of the intellect.
The High School should be for the still higher development of all those principles taught in the preparatory school. In addition to which the children should be taught a more extensive acquaintance with the topography, resources, pursuits and of the country they live in, and with the physical and natural phenomena of the globe they inhabit. They should be instructed in the principles of chemistry, and its general application to the arts, trades, and pursuits they may hereafter be engaged in; in the principle of design, and its general utility in all their avocations; a general knowledge of geology and mineralogy, and their most useful application. With the variation required by sex, they should be taught the first principles of the most useful trades and occupations in the laboratory and workshop. In addition to which, if a portion of land be attached, they should be practically taught a knowledge of horticulture and gardening. They should be fully educated to love knowledge and morality for their own sakes, and prepared to go out into active life with sound practical information to direct them, and a moral staminus to withstand its numerous temptations.*

* A portion of the above outline, written by W. Lovett, was issued in an address on the subject of " National Education," by the Working Men's Association, about three years ago.

As the primary object of the association is to unite the members in one bond of brotherhood, the more effectually to secure their political and social welfare, to train up their children to appreciate the excellence of knowledge and virtue, the spirit of universal benevolence and mutual forbearance ought to prevail among them regarding all religious creeds and doctrines. And as the attempt to introduce any particular forms of religion would tend to create dissensions among them, and lead all those whose own views had not been adopted to be jealous and distrustful of those of others, the aim of the general board should be carefully to exclude from their system of education all such questions of dispute. That great precept of "love one another" should be the basis of their educational discipline; and if the moral and intellectual virtues should be developed in the minds of the children, their parents would perceive that more genuine Christian charity would result, than if their children were drilled to the constant reading of what they could scarcely comprehend, or in repeating precepts by rote without their importance being exemplified by practice. Surely, when abundant time can be found for imparting religious instruction beyond that dedicated to the school, and when so many religious instructors, of all denominations, are most willing to impart their peculiar opinions, it would seem to be more in accordance with the precepts of Christ, mutually to unite in morally educating our children to dwell in peace and union, which are the great essentials of religion, than by our selfish desires and sectarian jealousies suffer ignorance, vice, and disunion to prevail.
  Under the system of education adopted in the schools, all corporeal punishments should be dispensed with, as highly mischievous under every form, as they serve to call forth revengeful propensities in some, and cow others into slavish subjection. Reason may direct the intellect to see impropriety of conduct, and kindness subdue the feelings of anger; but blows and injudicious privations only strengthen a harsh disposition.
As the association, in its infancy, will not be able to render any pecuniary assistance towards supplying the districts with as many efficient teachers as it would be desirable to retain for the purposes of the schools, it will be necessary for each district to make such prudent arrangements, at first, as their means will enable them, till assistance can be afforded. Two QUALIFIED teachers (man and wife, if possible,) with two female assistants, will serve in the commencement for both rooms; and, when the arrangements of the association are complete, there should be two such qualified teachers, and one assistant to each school-room. The female teacher (if qualified in a normal school,) will, with a competent assistant, be able to manage the infant school; and the male teacher, with a female assistant qualified to teach the girls in their sewing, knitting, cutting out their own clothing, &c., will serve at the commencement for the upper schools.
  The teachers should be chosen by the members of the district, and the assistants by the teachers, subject to the approval of the superintendents.
   The mode of admitting children to the schools, as well as their payments, ought to be decided by the members, and declared in their by-laws; but, while one of their objects should be to obtain cheap education for their children, they should remember that its efficiency will greatly depend on the talents and energies of the teachers and assistants; therefore their payments should be such as to procure for them a handsome and comfortable subsistence.

BENEFITS OF ORGANIZATION

Fellow-countrymen, we have now laid before you, for your consideration, a Plan which, if carried into effect, would, in our opinion, speedily secure our political and social rights; and, by training up our children in knowledge and virtue, place the liberties of our country on a basis corruption could not undermine, nor tyranny destroy. We have chosen to present you with its details in the form of Rules And Regulations, as conveying clearer and more concise ideas of our views than we could hope to convey in any other form. It now remains for us to point out to you the abundant means you have to carry such a plan into operation, and consequently to realize greater social and political advantages than have ever been attained by the working classes of any country - the advantages of effective union, efficient political power, with knowledge and virtue to use it for your children’s welfare, so that freedom and happiness may be perpetuated among them.
Few persons, we think, will be disposed to doubt that there is any considerable number of the industrious classes who cannot afford the small pecuniary amount we have mentioned as necessary to constitute them members of the National Association. We grant that exceptions may be found among them, persons to whom a penny per week would be an important sum; but from our knowledge of the working classes in general, we feel satisfied that where there is one so wretchedly situated as not to afford so trivial a sum towards the salvation of his country, or the education of his children, there are hundreds who waste twice that amount daily; by expending it on that which neither contributes to their health, their happiness, nor their freedom. But admitting that great numbers of our class are, either from prejudice or ignorance, altogether careless respecting their political rights or social obligations, and will not for some time render us any assistance; let us form our estimate for carrying this plan into effect from the numbers and professions of those Radical Reformers who from their position were free to sign the National Petition. And we have abundant evidence to convince us that vast numbers, both among the middle and working classes, were so circumstanced that, if they had appended their signatures to that petition, it would have involved them and their families in ruin. The numbers, however, who did sign it were One Million Two Hundred And Eighty-three Thousand; these, at a penny per week from each person, would realize the sum of five thousand three hundred and forty-five pounds and upwards weekly. But we have estimated the payment of members for the National Association at less even than a penny per week, at only a shilling a quarter; and we may reasonably conclude that those persons who, at the risk of losing their employment and connection, and in despite of all opposition, so far interested themselves in preparing and signing that petition, and in contributing to the support of their delegates, have the same earnest desire to follow up the great cause of their political and social salvation by enrolling themselves members of an association such as we have described. And when we further take into account the great personal advantages to be derived from belonging to such an association, apart from the great political and social objects of our pursuit - when the benefits of the halls, schools, and libraries are considered, they will supply additional reasons for forming our estimate from the numbers who signed that petition. Supposing, then, that such a number of members as signed it belonged to the National Association, their payments at a shilling a quarter would produce An Annual Sum OF Two Hundred And Fifty-Six Thousand Six Hundred Pounds!!! This amount would enable the association to effect every year the following important objects:-

To erect eighty district halls, or normal or industrial schools, at £3000 each ........... £240,000
To establish seven hundred and ten circulating libraries, at £20 for each ………………… 14,200
To employ four missionaries, (travelling expenses included) at £200 per annum …….. 800
To circulate twenty thousand tracts per week at 15s. per thousand ………………….......... 780
For printing, postages, salaries, &c. ………………………………….......................................... 700
6,480
Leaving for incidental expenses ....................................................................................... 120
£256,600

But then it might be urged against this calculation, that great numbers of persons signed the National Petition who would not contribute a shilling a quarter to support such an association; that thousands of men are to be found who talk loud and threaten fiercely on any political question that comes before them, but are silent and apathetic on all pecuniary propositions for promoting the object of their boastings. While there may be some truth in these assertions, we cannot readily believe that these persons are very numerous; for surely when men are convinced that their excessive toil, their scanty earnings, the wretchedness and injustice they daily experience, can all be traced to corrupt and exclusive legislation, they must also be convinced that a public opinion, extensive enough to effect a thorough reform, cannot be created without money or personal sacrifices; and as some persons must be prepared to make them, there are few right-thinking, conscientious men so mean as to expect political benefits, without contributing their mite and their exertions to obtain them. But if such mean and despicable adherents to our cause are to be found - men who, by their hollow professions and apparent sincerity, seek to generate a spurious and fleeting public opinion, they are far greater enemies to reform than its bitterest opponents - their hypocrisy serves to mislead men of honesty and principle, and gives the enemies of liberty new pretexts for new oppressions. Mere lukewarm professors, too, are of little use to any cause, but are absolutely mischievous to ours, as they deceive us by swelling our ranks with "men of straw." The cause of political and social reformation cannot exist by mere sentiment - there must be action to give it vitality; and if men were once thoroughly convinced that most of the evils of life are created by vicious institutions, and that all its solid enjoyments are to be realized by their purity and excellence, they would be as zealous to effect the desired change as to banish disease and misery from their dwellings, and till them with means of happiness.
    The best test of every man's political principles is not what he will profess, but what he will do for the cause. No man should excuse himself for lacking intellectual attainments, or great pecuniary resources; every man, however poor or humble, has means to forward it, if he be honestly and zealously disposed towards it. Isolated and divided, we are poor and powerless; but, banded together, our aggregate pence will enable us, as we have shown, to perform prodigies in the cause of liberty. And when the importance of such an association as we have described is calmly considered - when the trifling sum required to support it, and render all its objects practicable, is viewed in connection with similar sums many persons spend foolishly and uselessly in the course of a year, we are sanguine in our anticipations that the great body of the Radicals, at least, have sufficient political virtue to rally round such an association, whenever it is formed. We seek not to influence your feelings, fellow-countrymen, so much as to awaken your judgment; and therefore we wish you to consider whether there is any other form of combination likely to be so politically and socially effective, or to enable us more readily to obtain Universal Suffrage, and all the principles of "the Charter," than the one we have presented to your notice. There are no political advantages which the numbers, resources, and combined operations that any other form of association could afford, which would not be possessed in an eminent degree by the members of the NATIONAL ASSOCIATION. But then its great superiority over all others would be these; - it would not merely use its energies and resources in meeting and petitioning; it would not, year after year, be engaged in the useless task of endeavouring to induce corruption to purify itself: but it would be gradually accumulating means of instruction and amusement, and devising sources of refined enjoyments to which the millions are strangers; it would be industriously employed in politically, intellectually, and morally training fathers, mothers, and children, to know their rights and perform their duties: and with a people so trained, exclusive power, corruption, and injustice would soon cease to have an existence. Need we particularize the numerous advantages that would result from such an association, if the millions of the working classes alone performed their duty towards it? In the first place, the great benefits of the district halls must be apparent to Radicals above all others, as they experience greater difficulties than others to obtain places of meeting. Their political opinions generally render them so obnoxious to those in authority, that it is seldom they can obtain the use of public buildings; and the proprietors of public houses and private rooms are so completely in the power of the great men of the town, that they dare not, in many instances, let their rooms for radical purposes. And no later than last year the police of the metropolis were employed to go from one public house to another, to threaten the proprietors with the loss of their licenses, if they let their rooms to the Chartists; and doubtlessly the same system is practised in other places. But even if these difficulties did not exist, the great expense of private rooms forms no trifling obstacle to the frequent meetings of the working classes. If they turn their attention to the green fields, or to the common heritage their forefathers possessed for their "folkmotes," their "tithemotes," and other public purposes, they are there met by the law of trespass, the power of exclusion, and the opposition of all the squirarchy of the town. The right, therefore, of public meeting and free discussion being subject to and controlled by such despotic influences, forms additional reasons for the people having their own district halls to meet in. It is true the working classes in some towns do not labour under these disadvantages; some have sufficient control over their authorities, and others have places of meeting which already serve their purposes. But we are satisfied that these are the exceptions to the evil; and it should be remembered, that the little good that can be effected with those advantages is neutralized by the obstacles our brethren experience in other places. There are towns, too, where the working classes are powerfully assisted by the middle classes, and where they have abundant means to erect their own hall, independently of any association; but still no such exclusive advantage ought to prevent them from assisting their brethren who are differently situated. THERE IS NO POLITICAL GOOD TO BE ACHIEVED BY A SPIRIT OF EXCLUSIVENESS. We must therefore diffuse our means of knowledge; we must feel an equal interest in the political enlightenment of the most distant and indifferent inhabitant of our island as in that of our nearest and best disposed neighbour, as the political ignorance or corruption of the one is as fatal to freedom as is that of the other. We have too long been playing the game of political selfishness; and hence it is we have been contending in vain for our rights. One town boasts of its public spirit and political knowledge; the people of one district esteem themselves politically superior to another; one part of the country prides itself on its preparedness for freedom, and speaks with contempt of the apathy of another: and the result of this contracted spirit is exhibited in one part of the country counteracting the good effected by another. The well populated and enlightened town, where two Liberals are triumphantly elected, has its votes neutralized by the petty borough where the light of political knowledge has never dawned, where votes are bought and freedom sold.
   Let us in future, then, look beyond this useless system of setting up a Liberal here and there to be knocked down by Whigs or Tories; let us seek to carry our principles into the camp of our opponents -to instruct the dupes of those corrupt and plundering factions; - and ere long those ignorant supporters of oppression and misrule will become zealous advocates of freedom. To effect this object, we must cast aside all those local and foolish prejudices which render nugatory most of our exertions: our aim is the emancipation of all, and political enlightenment one of our principal means to effect it. In assisting to erect halls in Ireland or in Wales, we are as effectually promoting our own and our children's freedom as if we erected them in our own district. Wherever they may be situated, all will be politically benefited, though it will depend on the chances of the ballot, whether we or our distant brethren will first enjoy the social advantages to be derived from them.   But if, as we have shown, a trifling portion of the working classes can effect so much in one year, we may reasonably conclude that by union and perseverance they would soon be established throughout the kingdom. And there is little doubt but that other classes would contribute to such laudable objects, if the working classes were to show a disposition to begin the good work.
    The advantages of the CIRCULATING LIBRARIES would exist independently of the halls; and what man or woman, with a taste for reading, or the hearing of books read by their children, would think the pleasure dearly purchased with less even than a penny a week? We have seen sufficient of country places to know the great difficulties of procuring books of any useful description, and that the expense is often beyond the means of working people; - but by belonging to the National Association, (independently of other important benefits,) they would have the choice of hundreds of volumes in a year for the merest trifle. What lover, then, of his species can reflect without pleasurable sensations on the great political and social advantages that must eventually arise from the circulation of good and useful works throughout every district in the country? For, by combining the instructive with the entertaining - by bringing within the reach of the isolated cottager and country mechanic works they would never otherwise hear of, regarding the improvements in art, the discoveries in nature, the beauties of ancient writers, productions of modern literature, and the most useful and instructive of our political writers, habits of reading and reflection would be generated among them, their rights and duties appreciated, their tastes improved, their superstitions and prejudices eradicated; and they would become wiser, better, and happier members of the community.
    The LECTURES on physical, moral, and political science would be a never-failing source of instruction: the great volume of nature presents such variety, beauty, utility, and perfection, that the instructed mind sees new objects for daily admiration and nightly reflection. For the want of that mental culture, how much of nature appears barren and cheerless, which otherwise would teem with fruitful and never-ending sources of delight! But, unhappily, the deficiency of this mental pleasure, this intellectual stimulus, is not the only loss, for the void is too often filled up with sensual and vicious gratifications, hurtful to the individual and prejudicial to society. To illumine such minds - to interest the young, and stimulate the mental energies of the adult, should be the especial object of the lectures; plain truths, clearly demonstrated and aptly applied - facts well attested, authentic evidence, and close reasoning - useful and interesting experiments, with their practical application - and, as far as possible, made clear by diagrams and pictorial representations, would bring conviction home to the most obtuse, and be found at all times the readiest mode of imparting information. After a hard day's toil it often happens that, when the mind has lost its energies for useful reading, it is stimulated and improved by oral discourses, lectures, and experiments.
    The public HEADINGS might vary according to the tastes of the members, either for conveying political or moral information, or for improving them in the useful art of correct reading. For the latter purpose, one of the best modes we have seen adopted is the following:- A chairman having been appointed, the names of all those who are desirous of reading are written on slips of paper, folded up, and thrown into a hat or box opposite the chair. A list of select pieces in prose and verse (which are generally selected on the previous evening), is then read over; and the chairman, having drawn out one of the slips, reads over the name, and calls upon the person to read any piece he chooses from the list. After the person has read, the chairman invites the criticisms of the company: those who feel their competency give their opinions, briefly, and in a spirit to encourage improvement, regarding the person's manner, pronunciation, emphasis, &c. After which, another is called on in the same manner; though it is sometimes advisable to call on one person to prepare himself while another is reading. Independently of the improvements in reading which we have seen effected in a short period by this method, we believe it to be an excellent means for giving confidence to young persons, and preparing them for public speaking.
    The utility of public DISCUSSIONS on useful subjects, when properly conducted, is beyond estimation; for, independently of the facilities they afford for instructing men in the art of publicly imparting knowledge, instructing their fellows, and defending their rights, discussion is the best touchstone of truth. A man may spend a lifetime in reading and storing his mind with knowledge; but without subjecting his intellectual stores to the test of discussion - by which the sterling ore may be separated from the dross - he will continue to carry about with him as of equal value, false theories, romantic speculations, crudities, and conceits of every description. A man may possess great intellectual riches, he may comprehend all the mysteries of art and nature; but unless he cultivate the art of imparting his knowledge to his fellow-men, he lives, with all his knowledge, but for himself: he is in the intellectual world what the miser is in the social. He may plead his defects and his inability in vain; for if he employed but a small portion of his time in cultivating the art of public speaking or writing, he would soon become useful in proportion to his knowledge. In every country, especially where its institutions are founded on popular power or subject to its control, it becomes the duty of every man to cultivate the abilities God has given him, so that by speaking and writing he may preserve its liberties, by exposing private peculations and public wrong.
We are aware that strong feelings exist in many parts of the country against DANCING AND MUSICAL ENTERTAINMENTS; and it will be well to inquire whether those feelings are founded on reason or prejudice: if on reason, we should obey their dictates; but if on prejudice, we should pursue an onward course, regardless of the contracted notions of those whose views have no foundation in reason. First, as regards MUSICAL ENTERTAINMENTS, the great objection to them seems to be against a particular description of music, which the religious world has designated "profane:" and it would seem that the profanity is not in the cheerfulness or peculiarity of tune, for they often adapt those of the most lively description to their own hymns and psalms: from which it would appear that the primary objection is in the sentiment, and not in the tune. Now, though it is admitted that many of our songs abound in foolish, ridiculous, unmeaning, and objectionable sentiments, which all men of sense will readily unite to condemn, and expel from all rational society, yet this should form no valid argument against the introduction of songs of an opposite description into our entertainments. We have in our language songs conveying sentiments of the most exalted description, inculcating the love of freedom, social and domestic happiness, giving great praise to good deeds, exalting virtue and condemning vice, and depicting in glowing language the beauties of earth and skies. Sentiments of such description generally excite the admiration of the most fastidious: and surely their excellence cannot be depreciated by being conveyed in verse, and expressed in all the melodious witchery of the human voice. As music has an irresistible influence on all, and as the burst of joyous feeling generally gives forth its expression in song, the sentiments of which greatly influence individual and national character, it is not for man to war with nature, by attempting to stifle her expressions, but to change and purify the sentiments in which they are expressed.
Among the social recreations in which both sexes can participate, the exercise of DANCING seems pre-eminent: its lively and graceful evolutions, and healthful, spirit-stirring tendency, have ever rendered it a favourite amusement in all countries. Whence, then, have originated the objections against it? Surely there can be none against a description of exercise which most medical men agree is, of all others, the best for enlivening the spirits, and strengthening the muscles of the body! Nor is there any reasonable ground for supposing it more prejudicial to morality for both sexes to meet in the dance, than in any other public assembly. The virtue of either sex is not a whit secured by any fastidious exclusion from each other's society; nor is the moral character of youth any way preserved by denying them those cheerful and agreeable recreations congenial to their dispositions. The objections to badly ventilated rooms, late hours, bad characters, or improper conduct, should lie against those particulars, but not against dancing; for it by no means follows that these should be associated with the amusements and entertainments of our respective districts. The generality of people are so constituted as to seek, at times, cheerful society and lively enjoyments; and it should be the great object of all reformers to prepare legitimate means for the gratification of these feelings, without allowing them to be exposed to vicious associations. Many of those who frequent public-houses in their hours of relaxation, are not so much induced by the love of drink, as to spend their hours in cheerful society; and if places were provided (unassociated with the means of intoxication) where they could spend a pleasant and agreeable evening, we should have little cause for lamenting the prevalence of intemperance and its demoralizing consequences. *

* Those who could not join in the dance might be amused with the games of chess and drafts, which are both rational and instructive; but cards, dice, and all kinds of gambling, should be scrupulously excluded.

The advantages of HOT AND COLD BATHS being attached to such an establishment must be obvious. The difficulties our labouring population meet with in large towns and inland districts, in getting access to convenient bathing-places, are productive of more serious consequences than many persons imagine. We are told by medical men that the perspiration of the body, which is continually going on, causes a species of incrustation on the skin, which materially interferes with its functions, which, if not removed by frequent ablutions, occasions a weakness of body and depression of mind; and, further, that the evil is greatly increased when persons have to work at dusty employments and in unhealthy atmospheres. Hot or cold bathing, then, according to the state of the person's health or constitution, will be found a great preservative of health, independently of the habit of cleanliness it would serve to generate. And when the great benefit of the hot bath, in many kinds of disorder, is considered, its importance will be still further appreciated.
    The small MUSEUM we have referred to could be furnished in a short time by the collections and contributions of the members; and in proportion as they progressed in a knowledge of the productions of nature or art, so would it engage their attention, and be a source of great pleasure to themselves and their children.
    The LABORATORY would serve for scientific experiments by the members in their leisure hours, as well as for the instruction of the children; and the General Workshop would possess similar advantages in other respects.
How far the exertions of a few intelligent and active MISSIONARIES, constantly engaged in propagating the principles of the association, are likely to be effective, may be estimated, in some respects, by the good that has already been effected by such means. Four or six persons, thoroughly acquainted with all its objects, political and social, inspired with sufficient zeal for the cause, possessing business habits, and having a capacity for lecturing on most of the important points we have referred to, would soon effect a complete organization of the country, and would do more in twelve months to create an enlightened public opinion in favour of our views, than could be effected by any other means in thrice the time; more especially so if we provided each of them with tracts, to be distributed, (at the rate of twenty thousand weekly,) containing explanations of our principles, as well as facts, statements, and expositions, regarding our objects generally.
    We have referred to the necessity of offering premiums, from time to time, for the best essays on the instruction of children, for the best description of school-books, and for any other object likely to promote the social and political welfare of the people. Though much has been written on the subject of education, we think that very little of it has been to the purpose: most of the writers have founded their systems on erroneous notions, and it is only within the last few years that anything approximating to truth or utility has been written. Believing the science of education (for as such we consider it) to be but in its infancy, we think that every means should be devised to induce men of intellect to devote their attention to a subject of such vital importance, and that for similar reasons they should be encouraged to prepare a better description of school-books than those in present use. The social and political welfare of the millions is paramount to all other questions, and we think that an annual premium, given by the National Association for the best plan or essay in furtherance of that great object, would call forth much valuable information on the subject.
    While proposing these various means for the political and social amelioration of the people, let it not for a moment be supposed that we agree with those "educationalists" who consider the working classes "too ignorant for the franchise." So far from giving countenance to such unjust and liberty-destroying notions, we think the most effectual means to enlighten and improve them is to place them on a footing of political equality with other classes. We have seen one contracted scheme of improvement after another prove abortive; and we feel certain that theory on theory will continue to be promulgated in vain, till the millions can be interested to carry them into effective operation. But what faith can the people have in the professions of men who, while they talk of instructing them, are devising and executing the most infamous of laws for restricting the freedom of opinion, the right of public meeting, and the free circulation of knowledge? How can they expect any portion of intelligent workmen to join in any plan of education which excludes one of the most important branches of knowledge - a knowledge of their political rights and obligations? and how can this be taught to and appreciated by men, without the possession of the rights and privileges of freemen? How can they trust the sincerity of those persons who would mould them into more tractable and ingenious machines for the production of wealth, but would deny them any political power to determine how that wealth should be distributed? And how can they who make a profession of liberality suppose the working classes are so blind and ignorant as not to see through their speciousness and hypocrisy, when their speeches, votes, and conduct on all questions affecting the rights and interests of labour, prove them either staunch supporters of the present oppressive and fraudulent system, or humanity-mongers, who would make the millions comfortable slaves, ignorant of the rights and privileges of freemen, and content at all times to obey the desires of their political and spiritual masters?
Those men who talk of the franchise of the millions as a boon, and insist on its being given for particular talents or conduct, seem to forget that in doing so they assume the position of despots; nor can they defend it by any other argument than the usual one of despots - that of force. For it stands as evident to reason as the existence of the sun, that all "NATURAL RIGHTS" must justly appertain to all in common. That as the injustice and force of tyrants led men to congregate in society to protect themselves against aggression, and to secure their natural rights by CONVENTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS, every man in society must stand upon a footing of perfect equality, to determine the nature and extent of those arrangements. In other words, all men are politically equal to decide what the Constitution of their country shall be, and what laws shall be enacted to carry that Constitution into effect. And whatever power stands opposed to this just principle being carried into operation is a despotic power; worse in character, if possible, than the first savage tyrants who interfered with the natural rights of their fellows, and first caused them to have recourse to conventional security. For men in their primitive state stand on nearly an equality to contend with their fellows for the subsistence nature affords them; but in an unjust state of society despots plunder and murder in the name of the laws, and bribe one part of the community to keep the other part in subjection. It forms no argument against this clear principle of political equality, to say that the origin of society is involved in mystery - that principles cannot be recognized in old countries which might suit a new colony or infant state of society - that this being a conquered country, the terms prescribed by the conqueror and his descendants led to a state of political thraldom from which we are being gradually emancipated. To all this we reply, that neither antiquity, custom, nor force can be made to usurp and supersede human rights, without a violation of justice. We are therefore justified in designating as despots all those who, under any plea whatever, withhold or oppose our political rights, and in maintaining that they cannot defend their conduct upon any principles of justice. By usurpation and injustice have the few obtained power and ascendancy, and fraud and force are their only title-deeds; and it would be far more honest for them to assume the frank and open daring of other despots, than to be continually cheating us with unmeaning sounds of freedom. Let men and things be properly designated: England with all her professions is but a despotism, and her industrious millions slaves. For men possessing the same natural capabilities, cast upon the same kindred spot, with the same wants and mutual obligations, who are constrained by the mandates and force of their fellows to labour to support them in idleness and extravagance, are social slaves; and all who oppose their emancipation from such a state are political despots.
    But while we contend that the suffrage should not be dependent on any amount of education, we are far from being satisfied with the education or knowledge possessed by the working classes, or, indeed, by any other class in society. The rich and the middle classes are said to be better educated than the poorer classes; but if by "education" is understood the just development of all the faculties, to the end that men may be morally as well as intellectually endowed, we think the fruits of that great superiority would be more strikingly exhibited than they are. If, for instance, our titled and wealthy aristocracy were "properly educated," we should perceive its effects in a diminution of their luxury and extravagance - in their abhorrence of war, duelling, seduction, and adultery - in their renunciation of gambling, demoralizing sports, and brutal pastimes - in their giving up the dishonourable practices of bribery and political corruption - in their anxiety to abolish the game laws, corn laws, poor laws, and all the cruel and atrocious enactments they have called into existence for their own exclusive and selfish purposes; and, in lieu thereof, we should see them devoting a large portion of their extensive revenues to such works and means as are best calculated to upraise the toiling millions, and employing the power and talents they possess in promoting knowledge and happiness at home, peace and civilization throughout the world. If our clergy received "a proper education" they would be more disposed to practise the precepts of their "lowly master" - they would think less of splendid endowments, and more of their toiling curates - they would abjure fox-hunting, gluttony, and excess - they would leave tithes to their rightful owners, and would honestly and fearlessly denounce "the oppressor and him who grindeth the faces of the poor." If our commercial, manufacturing, and middle classes of society were "well educated" they would abjure the fraud and gambling transactions of the stock-exchange; there would be less commercial swindling - less lying, cheating, and over-reaching in trade; and bankruptcies and insolvencies would be seldom heard of. And if our own brethren were properly educated, the despots and tyrants of the earth would soon become rational members of society, for want of tools to work with; but as long as they can engage knaves and fools to carry their dishonest purposes into execution, they will continue to maintain their pernicious authority over all the rest of society. If men were morally educated, they would shrink with abhorrence from the mercenary occupation of a soldier, and spurn the livery and brutal instruments of his profession. They would greatly question the honour of being enlisted in a service in which they would be compelled to fight against liberty abroad and the rights of their brethren at home. The thirst for glory, by which despots and tyrants induce their ignorant and brutal slaves to rush like blood-hounds to the slaughter of their fellow-men, carrying rapine, famine, and desolation in their train, would, if men were morally instructed, be properly designated a thirst for blood. Glory and honour would change their character with the enlightenment of opinion. While the trade of human butchery would be execrated, men would win the glory and approbation of their fellows by just deeds and benevolent actions; and him whose exertions were the most useful would be esteemed as the most honourable. Nor would true courage be wanting when necessity required it; for while intellectual men, in possession of their rights, would always be inspired with Bravery to defend them, they would scorn to be used as instruments of aggression or defenders of injustice. If our countrymen were properly instructed, all attempts to establish a new standing army of policemen would have been fruitless. They would have inquired the necessity for those blue-coated auxiliaries of oppression - this new amalgamation of watch, spy, and bludgeon-men - this new concentration of force in the hands of an exclusively-elected and irresponsible power; and finding them intended to check the advancement of liberty, and perpetuate the reign of wrong, they would indignantly refuse to become such degrading instruments of injustice, and the fingers of scorn and derision would be pointed against their badge, livery, and calling.
    Were all men educated in a knowledge of their rights and duties, we should not find any so base as to sell their votes for money, place, or influence; nor so self-degraded as to fight the election battles of the aristocracy for a modicum of drink. Those who would buy their seats to sell their country would find an empty market; their "open houses" would be opened in vain, their false professions would be disregarded, their threats and intimidations would be treated with contempt. Men politically wise would be strong in principle and united in justice against all such conspirators against their liberties. They would weigh against each proffered bribe the political and social evils it would be certain to entail on themselves and their neighbours, and all selfish considerations would yield to conscientious duty. They would carefully scrutinize the professions and principles of their candidates, and would prefer political honesty to shining talents. They would consider their representatives as worthy servants, to be rewarded for their irksome duties; and not political masters, to scorn and oppress those they have purchased.
If men, too, were generally imbued with that independent feeling which springs from the cultivation of intellect, they would never permit their children to wear the badge and livery of charity. Wealth and pride might then devise their ridiculous dresses, their foolish decorations, and servile rules in vain; men would have more regard for their children than to suffer them to be exposed to the taunts and ridicule of their fellows, and would fear that the feelings of inferiority and dependence which the circumstances of a charity-school engender in the youthful mind would tend to destroy the independent spirit and dignity of manhood. Though poverty might prevent them from educating their children to the extent of their wishes, they would never allow it to plead an excuse for their degradation; but love and duty would prompt them to employ their leisure hours in instructing their families, or they would abridge their own necessaries to pay others for doing it.
    While we rejoice at the progress of knowledge and the improvement that is being effected among our brethren, we cannot fail to perceive the obstacles to their liberty and impediments to their happiness which ignorance still presents, and the glorious change which a wise system of education would produce. Were men mentally and morally educated, most of those social dissensions which now mar the peace and happiness of society would cease to exist. That contentious, jealous, and undermining spirit, which is still too prevalent amongst them, would give place to unity, honesty, and plain dealing; and an interchange of kind feelings and benevolent actions would serve to lighten their toil, and cheer their hours of leisure. Intellectual men, too, would regard their homes and their families with far different sensations than are felt by those superficial and thoughtless members of society who seek for pleasure and gratification anywhere rather than at home; by which conduct habits of dissipation are generated on the one hand, carelessness and bickerings on the other; and domestic happiness, being thus undermined, tends to the destruction of their peace and the ruin of their families. Rightly constituted minds, on the contrary, would feel that, of all other pleasures, those that spring from domestic happiness are the most enduring and substantial. Intellectual men esteeming their wives as their equal companions, and not the mere slaves of their passions, would labour to cultivate their mental powers, to the end that they should participate in their views and feelings, and be the better prepared to train up their children in knowledge, virtue, and the love of freedom.
A deep conviction, therefore, of the necessity of some practical scheme of education being adopted for the working and middle classes in particular, has induced us to submit for their consideration the plan described, so that whilst they are labouring to obtain "the Charter" they shall be instructing themselves, so as to realize all its advantages when obtained; and not for them to be engaged, as reformers have heretofore been, in periodically arousing the public mind to the highest state of excitement, suddenly to sink into apathy, with or without the attainment of their object, as their unity of action, strength or sternness of purpose, may chance to have been exhibited. Those fits of political excitement, however necessary under existing circumstances, betoken an unhealthy state of public feeling; for were men generally acquainted with their rights and duties, they would be ever on the watch to prevent political evils, and be continually perfecting their laws and institutions, coolly, deliberately, and determinedly. Sound views and just principles, as soon as promulgated, would be caught up, and the resolution to carry them into practice would be recorded with their votes, and expressed by a unity of sentiment and action no government could resist. But while we would urge on our brethren to contend for the principles of the PEOPLE'S CHARTER, and think the plan of the NATIONAL ASSOCIATION the best means to effect it, we feel satisfied that they will still have to acquire the knowledge and cultivate the feelings we have described, before they can enjoy the full fruits and blessings of freedom. Let us remember that the power each individual may possess to effect good of any description is of little value, unless the necessity for effecting it is made evident to his understanding, and his feelings sufficiently interested to prompt him to action; and as society is a congregation of individuals, the political power they may possess to promote their social or political welfare will be alike fruitless, unless they possess the knowledge and virtuous disposition to use it to the public advantage. Hence it must be evident to every reflecting observer, that true liberty cannot be conferred by acts of parliament or decrees of princes, but must spring up with public enlightenment and public virtue. The power of the people may subdue tyranny, remove corruption, and establish just and free institutions, but the fruits of their victory an noble purposes will principally depend on the amount of the public patriotism and private virtue which exists among them.
In the plan of the NATIONAL ASSOCIATION, we have provided for the admission of female members on the same conditions as males; and as some prejudices exist on the subject of female education, and especially against their obtaining any knowledge of politics, it may be necessary to give a few reasons in support of our proposition. As regards politics, the law does not exempt women from punishment any more than men, should they trespass on the rights or injure the person or property of their neighbour; and therefore, by all just constitutional arrangements, all should share in the enactment of laws to which they are amenable. If a woman be a householder, she must contribute her share of direct taxes; and if not, on all her eating, drinking, and wearing, she contributes her portion of indirect taxes equally with men: and according to the unperverted spirit of our Constitution, there should be no taxation, without representation. Again, if a woman is married, her influence, for good or evil, is still exercised in all the political affairs of her husband; and if single, her political knowledge or ignorant prejudices are equally powerful in society. Therefore, their rights and influence being manifest, the necessity for their political instruction must be equally obvious. But, what is still far more important, women are the chief instructors of our children, whose virtues or vices will depend more on the education given them by their mothers than on that of any other teacher we can employ to instruct them. If a mother is deficient in knowledge and depraved in morals, the effects will be seen in all her domestic arrangements; and her prejudices, habits, and conduct will make the most lasting impression on her children, and often render nugatory all the efforts of the schoolmaster. If, on the contrary, she is so well informed as to appreciate and second his exertions, and strives to fix in the minds of her children habits of cleanliness, order, refinement of conduct, and purity of morals, the results will be evident in her wise and well-regulated household. But if, in addition to these qualities, she be richly stored with intellectual and moral treasures, and make it her chief delight to impart them to her offspring, they will, by their lives and conduct, reflect her intelligence and virtues throughout society; for there has seldom been a great or noble character who had not a wise or virtuous mother. Our first ideas are received from a mother's eye, and much of our temper and disposition depends on the characters we trace there; her kindness and benevolence give us peace and joy, but her angry frowns and capricious temper terrify us, and injure our whole infantile system. As our perceptions are awakened and faculties matured, her wise or foolish conduct towards us leaves lasting impressions of good or evil; her habits, conversation, and example are readily imitated, and form the foundation of our future character. Seeing, then, that so much of our early education depends on the mental and moral qualities of women, should we not labour, by every means in our power, to qualify them for these important duties? And when, in addition to these considerations, we take into account how much of men's happiness depends upon the minds and dispositions of women - how much of comfort, cheerfulness, and affection their intelligence can spread in the most humble home - how many cares their prudence can prevent, and their sympathy and kindness alleviate, it ought to redouble our anxiety to promote the education and contend for the social and political rights of women. While treating of the advantages to be derived from the establishment of district halls, we have, in a great measure, confined our observations to the improvement of adults; and now we think it essential to point out to our brethren the importance, necessity, and advantages of properly educating our children, the facilities such places would afford for that purpose, and to add our need of information as to the best means by which it can be effected.

ON THE IMPORTANCE OF GENERAL EDUCATION,
AND THE MODES TO BE PURSUED IN THE DIFFERENT SCHOOLS.

In endeavouring to point out the social and political importance of education, and the necessity for establishing a better and more general system than has hitherto been adopted in this country, it will be advisable to begin by giving a clear definition of what we mean by the term "education."
As it applies to children, we understand it to imply all those means which are used to develope the various faculties of mind and body, and so to train them, that the child shall become a healthy, intelligent, moral, and useful member of society.
    But in its more extended sense, as it applies to men and nations, it means all those varied circumstances that exercise their influence on human beings from the cradle to the grave. Hence, a man's parental or scholastic training - his trade or occupation - his social companions - his pleasures and pursuits - his religion - the institutions, laws, and government of his country - all operate in various ways to train or educate his physical, mental, and moral powers; and as all these influences are perfect or defective in character, so will he be well or badly educated.   Differences of character will be found in the same class, according to the modified circumstances that have operated on each individual; but the general character of each class, community, or nation stands prominently forward, affording a forcible illustration of the effects of individual, social, and political education. According to the mental or moral instruction each INDIVIDUAL may receive, will he be the better able to withstand social taint and political corruption, and will, by his laudable example and energy, be advancing the welfare of society, while he is promoting his own. According to the intellectual and moral spirit which pervades SOCIETY, will its individual members be improved; and in proportion as it is ignorant or demoralized, will they be deteriorated by its contact: and as despotism or freedom prevail in a NATION, will its subjects be imbued with feelings of liberty, or be drilled into passive slaves.
    Our present object is with INDIVIDUAL EDUCATION, beginning with childhood; and if we can so far succeed as to interest and induce others to assist in promoting this department of education, the social and political education we have referred to will be comparatively an easy task; - for if the rising generation can be properly educated, in a few years they will give such a healthy tone to society, and such an improving spirit to government, that old prejudices, vices, and corruptions, must speedily give way before them.
    We have said, that education means the developing and training of all the faculties of mind and body. By the faculties of the body we mean the whole physical structure. By the faculties of the mind we mean those powers we possess for perceiving, acquiring, and treasuring up various kinds of knowledge; for using that knowledge in comparing and judging of the properties of things, and weighing the consequences of actions; for giving us a love of justice, rectitude, and truth; for prompting us to acts of benevolence, and delighting us with the happiness of others; for inspiring us with wonderment, awe, and veneration, and for appreciating the beauties of earth and heaven: in short, all those mental powers which perceive, reflect, and prompt us to action.
By training or educating a bodily faculty is meant the means used for accelerating its growth, and adding to its strength and activity. For instance, a proper quantity of nutritious food, pure air, warm clothing, and sufficient exercise, are necessary to the proper developement or growth of a child; and if these essentials are denied him in infancy, he will be stunted in growth, and debilitated bodily and mentally; nor can any subsequent treatment effectually remedy the evil. Nay, not only in infancy, but at every period of our existence, are these conditions necessary to health and strength. We might here adduce a great number of facts, to prove the great physical injury sustained by infants and adults among the poorer classes from bad or scanty food, impure atmospheres, over exertion, and the evils attendant on ignorance and poverty; but let one or two suffice. M. Villerme, an eminent statician of France, has proved that there are one hundred deaths in a poor arrondissment while there are only fifty in a rich one; that, taking the whole population of France, the rich live twelve and a half years longer than the poor - that the children of the rich have the probability of living forty-two years and a half, while the children of the poor have only the probability of living thirty years. And the late Mr. Sadler has shown that as many persons die in manufacturing districts before their twentieth year, as in agricultural districts before their fortieth. These alarming facts should awaken the attention of the working classes in particular, and should lead them to investigate the more immediate cause of this lamentable sacrifice of life, and to devise some means by which the evil may be remedied.
But we have talked of training as well as developing the physical faculties. What we mean by training a faculty is this: we mean the subjecting it to a course of discipline, so as to strengthen and habituate it to perform certain operations with ease and effect. Thus the muscles of the body may be enlarged and strengthened by proper training; the hand may be trained to peculiar performances; the eye to perceive the nicest distinctions of art, and the ear, of various sounds. There is this wonderful peculiarity in our organization, that it points out to us our duty; for in the proper use and exercise of every part of the mind and body, the vital current flows in that direction, not only to repair the waste consequent on that exercise, but to enlarge and strengthen it to perform its operations with greater ease; and the reverse of this is manifest when any part of the body or mind is not exercised or disciplined - it then loses its energy and power of performance.
    We have said that the mental powers have various and distinct properties; and though it is not necessary to our object to go into the particulars of these, nor the various metaphysical opinions respecting them, it will greatly assist us in our explanations, to describe them as intellectual, moral, and animal faculties; - all of which faculties may be well or badly trained, according to the knowledge and discipline bestowed; in other words, as the individual may have been subjected to a PROPER OR IMPROPER COURSE OF EDUCATION.
A man's intellectual faculties may be highly cultivated, and yet he may be a very worthless and immoral member of society, for want of that moral education necessary to control his animal feelings, and to direct his intellect to the performance of his social and political duties.
    Another man may have his moral faculties disciplined to perform continuous acts of kindness and benevolence, and may possess the strongest feelings of awe and veneration; and yet, for the want of intellectual cultivation, may have his goodness of disposition daily imposed upon by knaves and impostors, and his credulity diverted to superstition and fanaticism.
    The animal faculties being in common with the brute creation, he who is without intellect to guide and morality to direct them, will differ little from the brutes in the gratification of them.
    Examples of great intellectual attainments without morality are to be found among all classes of society; from the university-taught gentleman who uses his talent to gratify his interest or ambition at the expense of justice, to the experienced swindler or learned impostor, who lives by defrauding and imposing on his fellow-men. And no men are fitter or more likely to become the dupes of such persons than those whose moral faculties are matured and intellectual ones neglected. Examples of strong animal propensities, without the reins of intellect and morality to govern them, are seen in those mothers who spoil their children by their ignorant indulgence of their inclinations; in those unions founded on mere animal love or instinctive attachment, which occasion much social misery; in gluttony, drunkenness, profligacy, debauchery, and extreme vice of every description. Hence it will be seen that "EDUCATION," to be useful, such as will tend to make wise and worthy members of the community, must comprise the judicious development and training of ALL, the human faculties, and not, as is generally supposed, the mere teaching of "reading, writing, and arithmetic" or even the superior attainments of our colleges, "Greek, Latin, and polite literature."
    We have said that good education embraces the cultivation of all the mental and bodily faculties; for be it remembered, that all individuals (unless they are malformed or diseased) possess the same kind of faculties, though they may materially differ in size and power, just as men and women differ in size and strength from each other. All men are not gifted with great strength of body or powers of intellect, but all are so wisely and wonderfully endowed, that all have capacities for becoming intelligent, moral, and happy members of society; and if they are not, it is for want of their capacities being so properly cultivated, as to cause them to live in accordance with the physical laws of their nature, the social institutions of man, and the moral laws of God. Education will cause every latent seed of the mind to germinate and spring up into useful life, which otherwise might have lain buried in ignorance, and died in the corruptions of its own nature; thousands of our countrymen, endowed with all the capabilities for becoming the guides and lights of society, from want of this glorious blessing, are doomed to grovel in vice and ignorance, to pine in obscurity and want. Give to a man knowledge, and you give him a light to perceive and enjoy beauty, variety, surpassing ingenuity, and majestic grandeur, which his mental darkness previously concealed from him - enrich his mind and strengthen his understanding, and you give him powers to render all art and nature subservient to his purposes - call forth his moral excellence in union with his intellect, and he will apply every power of thought and force of action to enlighten ignorance, alleviate misfortune, remove misery, and banish vice; and, as far as his abilities permit, to prepare a highway to the world's happiness.
There is every reason, however, for supposing that many persons have been led to doubt the great benefits of education, from what they have witnessed of the dissipated and improper conduct of those who have had great wealth expended on their education; and that others, observing the jealousies, contentions, and ambition of men professedly learned, have been led to inquire "whether educated men are happier than those who are ignorant." But from want of moral training in unison with intellectual acquirements, such characters cannot be said to be "educated," in the proper sense of the term; they have knowledge without wisdom, and power without the motive to goodness. But as regards "happiness," (which may be defined to mean the highest degree of pleasurable sensations,) we think we may safely aver that the ignorant man can never be truly happy. He cannot even enjoy the same animal happiness in eating, drinking, and sleeping as the brute; for the demands society require from him in return for these enjoyments give him anxieties, cares, and toil, which the brute does not experience. The instinct, too, which nature has bestowed on the lower animals to guide their appetites, seems to give them superior advantages over a man destitute of knowledge. For, ignorant of his own nature, and needing the control of reason, he is continually marring his own happiness by his follies or his vices. Wanting moral perceptions, the temptations that surround him frequently seduce him to evil, and the penalties society inflict on him punish him without reclamation. Ignorant of the phenomena of nature, he becomes credulous, superstitious, and bigoted - an easy prey to the cunning and deceitful; and, bewildered by the phantoms of his own ignorant imaginings, he is miserable while living, and afraid of dying.
    But, it may be asked, what proofs can be adduced to show that the truly educated man is the happier for being so? We will anticipate such a question, and endeavour to afford such proofs as, to us, appear clear and conclusive. In the first place, nature has given to most of her children a faculty for acquiring knowledge, which, once quickened and directed by education, is continually gratified with its acquisitions, and ever deriving fresh pleasures in new pursuits and accumulation of knowledge. To give the greatest delight to those who wisely exercise this faculty, nature has provided a multitudinous variety to be investigated and enjoyed; she has spread out her wonders around them, and unfolded her beauties to their gaze. By giving them the power to transmit their acquirements to posterity, she has opened to their mental view the whole arcana of science and range of art, to afford them unlimited sources of enjoyment. In the next place, nature has in her bounty conferred on them all the powers of moral superiority and social gratification, which, if wisely cultivated, afford them pleasures inexhaustable. Those noble attributes of man's nature, ever stimulating him to great deeds and good actions, cast a continual sunshine over the mind of him who obeys their dictates; they render his life useful, and give him peace and hope in the hour of death. Nor can any cultivated man for a moment doubt these positions; he has the proof and evidence in his own feelings, and his righteous actions will afford the best testimony to the rest of mankind.
    From what we have said on the nature and intention of education, we think its importance must begin to be evident; for what man is there who, in inquiring into the laws of his nature, finds that his own individual happiness is a condition dependent on the cultivation of his mental and moral powers, but will readily admit the importance and necessity of proper education?
    But let us proceed from individual to social considerations, (for individual happiness seems to be dependent on social arrangements,) and inquire how far a man's happiness is marred or retarded by the ignorance, and consequent vices, that prevail in society. If his acquirements enable him to perceive the necessity for improving the social institutions of his country, in order to advance the prosperity, knowledge, and happiness of his neighbours, their prejudices, selfishness, and cupidity are formidable obstacles to deter him from the attempt. If he is engaged in any trade or profession, and desires to exercise his calling with honesty and conscientiousness, he is exposed to the united rivalry of all those who find their gains promoted and rank upheld by dishonesty and injustice, or the fraudulent system they have established is such as speedily to drive him from his business or consign him to poverty. If he is the father of a family, and desirous of promoting the happiness of his children by rendering them intelligent, moral, and useful, he cannot with all his anxiety guard them from the contaminating effects of social vice: the ears of his children are assailed by brutal and disgusting language in the midst of his dwelling, their eyes meet with corruption and evil in every street, and seductions and temptations await them at every corner. Should their youthful years be happily preserved from those influences, they are no sooner ushered into society, than they are beset with all its selfish, lying, defrauding, and mind-debasing vices; and they must be strong indeed in mind and steadfast in morality, to withstand these tests without pollution; - and many a fond parent who has reared up his children with tender solicitude, whose most cherished hopes have been centred in their welfare, has seen them all gradually engulphed in the vices and corruptions of social life. If a man is poor, he is subjected to all the evils of social injustice; and if he is wealthy, his life and possessions are continually jeopardised by the vicious and criminal victims of ignorance: in fact, in no situation in society can a man be so circumstanced, as to escape the evils inflicted or occasioned by the ignorance of others.
Can any man of reflection fail in perceiving that most of these social evils have their origin in ignorance? What but the want of information to perceive their true-interest, and the want of moral motives to pursue it, can induce the wealthier classes of society to perpetuate a system of oppression and injustice which in its reaction fills our gaols with criminals, our land with paupers, and our streets with prostitution and intemperance? What but the want of intellectual and moral culture occasions our middle-class population to spend their careworn lives in pursuing wealth or rank through all the soul-debasing avenues of wrong; and, after all their anxiety to secure the objects of their ambition, - find they have neglected the substantial realities of happiness in the pursuit of its phantom? And what shall we say of that large portion of our population who have been born in evil and trained in vice? - nay, whose very organization, in many instances, has been physically and mentally injured by the criminality of their parents? *   Their perceptions continually directed to evil, their notions of right and wrong perverted by pernicious example, and thereby taught that the gratification of their animal appetites is the end and object of their existence, can we wonder that they become the hardened pests of society, or, rather, the victims of social and political neglect - beings whom punishments fail to deter from evil, and for whom prisons, penitentiaries, laws, precepts, and sermons are made in vain? What man, then, perceiving these lamentable results of ignorance, and possessing the least spark of benevolence, is not prepared at once to admit the necessity for beginning our social reformation at the root of the evil, by establishing a wise and just system of education?

*For cases of idiotcy, lunacy, and mental and bodily weakness, arising from the drunken and dissipated habits of parents, see Mr. Esquirol, Combe, and others, on mental derangement.

But if we want further proofs to convince us of its necessity, let us turn from our social to our political arrangements. The fact of an insignificant portion of the people arrogating to themselves the political rights and powers of the whole, and persisting in making and enforcing such laws as are favourable to their own "order,'' and inimical to the interests of the many, affords a strong argument in proof of the ignorance of those who submit to such injustice. And when we find that vast numbers of those who are thus excluded readily consent to be drilled and disciplined, and used as instruments to keep all the rest in subjection, the proofs of their ignorance appear conclusive. And even those who possess the franchise, (or nominal power of the state,) if we may judge from their actions, are not more distinguished for their wisdom than those mercenaries; for, after selecting their representatives in the most whimsical manner - some for their titles of nobility or honour; others for their lands, interest, or party; and some for having bought them with money or promises - they support them in every extravagance and folly, and submit to be plundered and oppressed in a thousand forms, to uphold what they pompously designate "the dignity of this great nation." And surely the annual catalogue of crimes in this country of itself affords lamentable proofs of the ignorance or wickedness of public men, and their great neglect of their public duties. Those will stand in the records of the past as black memorials against the boasted civilization and enlightened philanthropy of England, whose legislators are famed for devising modes of punishing, and in numerous instances for fostering crime, exhibiting, year after year, presumptive proofs in their omission to prevent it. It will be said of them, that they allowed the children of misery to be instructed in vice, and for minor delinquencies subjected them to severity of punishment which matured and hardened them in crime; that, callous to consequences, they had gone through all the gradations of wretchedness, from the common prison to the murderer's cell; that their judges gravely doomed them to die, gave them wholesome advice and the hopes of repentance; and, when the fruits of their neglect and folly were exhibited on the gallows, they gave the ignorant an opportunity of feasting their brutal appetites with the quivering pangs of maddened and injured humanity. Whether, then, we view man individually, socially, or politically - whether as parent, husband, or brother, there is no situation he can be placed in, ill which his happiness will not be marred by ignorance, and in which it would not be promoted by the spread of knowledge and wisdom.
    Convinced of the importance of an improved system of education, we think there needs little to convince any one of the necessity of its being made as general as possible; for as the effects of ignorance are detrimental to general happiness, so the remedy must be sought for in the general dissemination of knowledge. We see and feel enough of the effects of partially diffused knowledge, to warn us against the evil of instructing one portion of society, and suffering the other to remain in ignorance. What, but the superior cunning and ingenuity of the few, and the ignorance of the many, has led to the establishment of our landed monopoly in its present state - our trading and commercial monopolies - our legislative and municipal monopolies - our church and college monopolies - and, in short, all the extremes of wealth and wretchedness which characterize our fraudulent system?   In fact, the cunning and trickery which uphold this system have become so evident, that all those who seek to profit by it, are not so much induced to send their children to schools and universities to acquire knowledge for its own sake, or to make them better or more useful members of society, as they are to qualify them to rise in it; in other words, to enable them to live in idleness and extravagance on, the industry of other people. This state-pauperizing disposition, this aristocratic contempt for all useful labour, is to be traced to our defective education; and knowledge will be found to be the only remedy for this, as well as for all the vices, follies, and extravagances of the few. If the blessings of education were generally diffused - if honesty and justice were duly inculcated among all classes of society, it would, ere long, lead to a more just and general diffusion of the blessings of industry. But so long as one part of the community feel it to be their interest to cultivate; mere power-and-wealth-acquiring knowledge, and, so far as they can, to prevent or retard the enlightenment of all but themselves, so long will despotism, inequality, and injustice, flourish among the few; and poverty, vice, and crime, be the lot of the many and party interests. From the experiments already made, at home and abroad, they see sufficient to convince them of the importance of early impressions; and hence their eager desire to mould the plastic mind to their own notions of propriety. They also see that the flood-gates of knowledge are opened, and that its purifying stream is rolling onward with rapidity; and fearing their own corrupt interests may be endangered, they seek to turn it from its course by every means and stratagem their ingenuity can invent.
    But, while we are anxious to see a general system of education adopted, we have no doubt of the impropriety of yielding such an important duty as the education of our children to any government, and the strongest abhorrence of giving any such power to an irresponsible one. While we are desirous of seeing a uniform and just system of education established, we must guard against the influence of irresponsible power and public corruption; and, therefore, we are opposed to all concentration of power beyond that which is absolutely necessary to make and execute the laws; for, independent of its liability to become corrupt, it destroys local energies, and prevents experiments and improvements, which it is most desirable should be fostered, for the advancement of knowledge, and prostrates the whole nation before one uniform, and, it may be, despotic power. We perceive the results of this concentration of irresponsible power and uniformity of system lamentably exemplified in Prussia, and other parts of the continent, where the lynx-eyed satellites of power carefully watch over the first indications of intelligence, to turn it to their advantage, and to crush in embryo the buddings of freedom; and, judging from the disposition our own government evince to adopt the liberty-crushing policy of their continental neighbours, we have every reason to fear that, were they once entrusted with the education of our children, they would pursue the same course to mould them to their purpose. Those who seek to establish in England the continental schemes of instruction, tell us of the intelligence, the good behaviour, and the politeness of their working-class population; but they forget to tell us that, to talk of right or justice, in many of those countries – to read a liberal newspaper, or book inculcating principles of liberty, is to incur the penalty of banishment or the dungeon. They forget to tell us that, with all the instruction of the people, they submit to the worst principles of despotism; that life and property, as well as all the powers and offices of the state, are mostly vested in one man or his minions, and that the vilest system of espionage is everywhere established to secure his domination. They omit to inform us, that parents are compelled, under heavy penalties, to send their children to the public schools, where the blessings of despotism, and reverence for the reigning despot are inculcated and enforced by all the arts and ingenuity submissive teachers can invent; and that all those who brave the penalties, and teach their children themselves, are subject to infamous surveillance, and their children declared incapacitated to hold any office in the state.   Bowed down and oppressed as we are, we manage to keep alive the principles and spirit of liberty; but if ever knavery and hypocrisy succeed in establishing this centralizing, state-moulding, knowledge-forcing scheme in England, so assuredly will the people degenerate into passive submission to injustice, and their spirit sink into the pestilential calm of despotism.
With every respectful feeling towards those philanthropists whose eloquence first awakened us to the importance of education, and whose zeal to advance it will ever live in our remembrance, we have seen sufficient to convince us that but too many of those who stand in the list of education -promoters, are but state-tricksters, seeking to make it an instrument of party or faction. We perceive that one is for moulding the infant mind upon the principles of church and state, another is for basing its morals on their own sectarianism, and another is for an amalgamation of both; in fact, the great principles of human nature, social morality, and political justice are disregarded, in the desire of promoting their own selfish views and party interests. From the experiments already made, at home and abroad, they see sufficient to convince them of the importance of early impressions; and hence their eager desire to mould the plastic mind to their own notions of propriety. They also see that the flood-gates of knowledge are opened, and that its purifying stream is rolling onward and rapidity; and fearing their own corrupt interests may be endangered, they seek to turn it from its course by every means and stratagem their ingenuity can invent.
If our government were based upon Universal Suffrage to-morrow, we should be equally opposed to the giving it any such powers in education, as some persons propose to invest it; its power should be of an assisting and not an enforcing character. Public education ought to be a right - a right derivable from society itself, as society implies a union for mutual benefit, and, consequently, to provide publicly for the security and proper training of all its members. The public should also endeavor to instruct the country, through a board of instructors, (popularly chosen,) on the best plans of education, or modes of training; and should induce, by prizes or otherwise, men of genius and intelligence to aid them in devising the best. After their plans have been matured, and the greatest publicity given to them, the people should be called upon to choose (by universal suffrage,) two members from each county, to form a special body, to consider such plans, and to amend, adopt, or reject them, as they may think proper; leaving those in the minority to adopt such plans as their constituents may approve of, till the merits of the plans selected by the majority became obvious to all. Such a mode as this would be more in accordance with liberty and justice than the legal enforcement of any particular plans of education, as of all other subjects it involves greater consequences of good or evil. Government, then, should provide the means for erecting schools of every description, wherever they may be deemed necessary; and empower the inhabitants of the respective districts to elect their own superintendents and teachers, (if qualified in normal schools,) and to raise a district rate for the support of the school and remuneration of the teachers. If we had a liberal government to do this for education - if the whole people were to be interested in the subject, through popular election, instead of a select clique, we might safely trust to the progress of knowledge and power of truth to render it popular, as well as to cause the best plans, ere long, to be universally adopted. But from our government no such liberality is to be expected - we have everything to fear from it, but nothing to hope for; hence, we have addressed ourselves to you, working men of Britain, and you of the middle classes who feel yourselves identified with them, as you are the most interested in the establishment of a wise and just system of education. And we think we have said sufficient to convince you of the necessity of guarding against those state and party schemes some persons are intent on establishing, as well as to induce you to commence the great work of education yourselves, on the most liberal and just plan you can devise, and by every exertion to render it as general as possible; hoping that the day is not distant you’re your political franchise will give you the power to extend it with rapidity throughout the whole empire.
    Having briefly given our views of the nature, intention, and importance of education, the next part of our subject necessarily embraces the particular description of education to be pursued in the difference schools, and the best mode of imparting it.
    The first difficulty we shall have to surmount in our progress will be the teaching of the teachers; and the particular instruction, or mode of training, which they will require, necessarily appertains to the NORMAL OR TEACHERS' SCHOOLS. The establishment of one (at least,) of those schools should therefore be one of the first objects of the association. Whatever may be its particular plan, we think it should be so constructed as to contain an infant, preparatory, and high school, into which children of all ages should be admitted, and in which the persons learning to be teachers should be taught a practical knowledge of the system of education. It should also contain a library, museum, laboratory, sitting rooms, and sleeping-rooms for the teachers and directors. There should be two general teachers, or DIRECTORS, possessing an intimate knowledge of the best plans and modes of education, and well qualified in the art of imparting it with effect and kindness of disposition. While every encouragement should be given for the gratuitous instruction of all those desirous of being qualified as teachers, great care and discrimination would be necessary in guarding against the admission of persons who possess neither the disposition, aptitude, nor capabilities for efficient teachers. The educational students should commence with the infant school, and, when proficient in that department, should proceed to the preparatory school; and so on, till they become conversant with every part of the system.* Their time should be so divided, that it should be spent in the schools, and in studying the best works on the subject; in attending to the lectures or discourses of the directors, and in discussions and conversations among themselves. The time necessary to qualify a teacher must (in our first arrangements,) be made to depend on the judgment of the directors; but after our plans are matured, it may be found necessary to fix the time each person shall study in a normal school to qualify him or her for a teacher; and eventually no persons should be employed in the schools of the association but those who could produce a certificate, signed by the directors, testifying their competency. But one important duty must not be neglected by the people themselves – that of rewarding and honouring the teachers of their children, as this will be the best means of perfecting the science of education, by an accession of men of genius and intelligence, who otherwise will seek rewards and honours in other pursuits.

* While the male teachers should pass through all the schools in rotation, the female teachers might be limited to the infant department of education.

THE INFANT SCHOOL +

+ Schools for infants were first established by Mr. R. Owen, at New Lanark.

A school of this description might be conducted by a female teacher and an assistant, if the teacher had received her instruction in a normal school. The first requisite she should possess, is a disposition to win the affectionate confidence of the little beings committed to her care; to effect which, she must supply the place of an attentive, kind, and intelligent parent. The first object to be achieved is to render the school-room a little world of love, of lively and interesting enjoyments; and its attainment will mainly depend upon the benevolent, cheerful, and instructive disposition of the teacher.
    Her acquirements should extend, first, to a general knowledge of the human frame and constitution, and the best mode of preserving the children in full health and vigour, embraced in the terms PHYSICAL EDUCATION.
    Second, she should have a clear idea of the human intellect, and should possess a knowledge and aptitude for judiciously developing its perceptive, comparative, and reflective powers, comprised in the words INTELLECTUAL EDUCATION.
    Third, she should fully comprehend the moral capabilities, and the laws which govern the feelings; and should understand the means by which they may be so quickened, directed, and trained, that the child shall aspire to greatness and goodness of character, and be able to govern his passions by his reason; - the whole expressed by the terms MORAL EDUCATION.
In addition to these essential requisites, she should possess a knowledge of music, have a voice for singing, and be able to express herself clearly and grammatically. She should also possess the love of order, have a refined taste, should be courteous in her manners, and prudent and respectful in her whole conduct. For as her peculiarities will be readily imitated by the children, and her example produce a lasting effect on them, she should be to them, as far as possible, a standard of excellence worthy of imitation.
It has been found by experience that the best mode of establishing an infant school is to begin with a few children; and, after they have made some little progress, gradually to introduce others. By this means, a system of order will be sooner established than if a great number be brought together at once.
    The school hours must necessarily vary in different districts, according to the habits of the people; but whatever time is fixed on for the opening of the school should be punctually observed. The boys and girls should enter by their respective doorways, and each one, being provided with a place in the cloak-room for his or her hat or cloak, should be instructed to hang it under a particular number; they should then proceed to their seats in the school-room, which should have corresponding numbers. As a means of cleanliness and health, door-mats should be placed at each entrance, and cleanly habits in every particular should be scrupulously insisted upon. Some little trouble will be necessary at first to enforce these two essentials, cleanliness and punctuality of attendance; but by judicious management, in a short time the public opinion of the school will extend to the homes of the children, and serve to awaken inattentive parents to their duties. At the ringing of a bell, the school should be formally opened by the children singing some appropriate piece, and no person should be admitted into the room until its conclusion. They should then be engaged with their lessons in the school-room, and amusement and exercise in the play-ground, alternately, according to the state of the weather, and the arrangements of the school; but one great point to be attended to by the teacher, is not to allow them to be over-exerted either with their lessons or their play, though the air, exercise, and moral training of the play-ground are of paramount importance.
    The classification of both sexes, according to their ages, will be found necessary, as there is reason to suppose that the older children will be more advanced in knowledge than the younger, and because they are too apt to tyrannize over them. They should therefore be classed, six or eight in a class, as may be found most convenient; and a class-teacher should be appointed weekly to each class. This method of causing children to teach each other is so much in accordance with their desires and feelings, begetting in one an anxiety to qualify himself to teach, and calling forth the mental and speaking faculties of the other, that this of itself is sufficient to cause us to revere the name of Joseph Lancaster. The class-teacher should see to the attendance, cleanliness, order, and proficiency of his class; and should be carefully watched, to see that he properly and courteously performs his duties. He should, however, have no power in the play-ground; - when there, he should have full and unconstrained liberty, as the other children, subject only to the watchful eyes of the teacher and assistant.
    Having slightly glanced at these preliminaries, we now come to the mode of education; and here we would especially impress on you, that no faculty of mind or body can be educated without it is properly exercised. In physical education, for instance, the mere teaching of a child that pure air and exercise are necessary to preserve him in health and strength, is of little use; he must not only be made to perceive, by a judicious course of instruction, how and why they are essential, but he must be made to feel their importance, by such proper means of exercise as the play-ground should afford, till the conviction and habit became blended, as it were, with his very nature. He should be made to understand, by the most simple explanations, why pure air is necessary to health, and how all kinds of animals linger and perish if they are deprived of it. . He should have the different parts of his body familiarly explained to him, and a general idea given of his animal functions; and why it is that exercise is necessary to health and strength. There will be some difficulty in conveying this knowledge to a child; but unless a general idea of it be conveyed, the mere advice or precept to do or avoid doing any particular act will be useless. He may be constrained to perform any duty in obedience to the commands of his parents or his teachers, just as a dog is taught to fetch or carry a stick; but the importance of doing it will have no effect, till they are fixed by conviction and rooted by habit. If, however, the teacher fully understands these subjects herself, and has an aptitude for conveying knowledge, she will, by a little additional trouble, make them clear to her pupils; and in her subsequent teaching she will find herself well rewarded for having laid a good foundation.*

* For the most clear and detailed information regarding the structure and functions of human beings, we would refer the reader to "The Philosophy of Health," by Dr. Southwood Smith; to "The Principles of Physiology," by Mr. A. Combe; to "Dr. Hodgkin's Lectures;" Dr. Brigham on the "Influence of Mental Cultivation and Excitement on Health;" and Mr. G. Combe on the " Constitution of Man."

The best description of exercise is that which brings the greatest number of muscles into proper exertion, and which, at the same time, affords rational pleasure. Much, however, remains to be done in devising proper exercises for children; - many of those in common practice are found to produce physical injury to weak constitutions, and others to produce irrational associations. The rotary swing, which is used in many schools, is well adapted for strong children; shuttle-cock,.if played with both hands - dancing in the open air - together with such evolutions as may describe the actions and habits of different animals which children are fond of imitating, will be sufficient exercise for the children in the play-ground. The manual exercise, as it is called, descriptive of different motions and actions, will be found highly beneficial for in-door exercise in bad weather. But a skilful teacher will readily invent games and amusements for the children, will join with them in their play, and, when all their faculties are in full activity, will inculcate many intellectual and moral lessons.
In intellectual education no real knowledge can be acquired but by the exercise of the perceptive, comparative, and reflective powers. The child may be burthened with a multitude of words - mere barren symbols of realities of which it has no cognizance, with imaginary notions of every description - mere treasured phrases, imbibed from every source, without inquiry or knowledge of the reality, - it may be furnished with rules, figures, facts, and problems by rote without examination, and consequently valueless for practical purposes;—these acquisitions failing to produce clear ideas, and forming no real basis for reflection or judgment, cannot, therefore, be properly designated real knowledge. Yet this word-teaching, rote-learning, memory-loading system is still dignified with the name of "education;" and those who are stored with the most lumber are frequently esteemed the greatest "scholars." Seeing this, need we wonder that many scholars have so little practical or useful knowledge - are superficial in reasoning, defective in judgment, and wanting in their moral duties? or that the greatest blockheads at school often make brighter men than those whose intellects have been injured by much cramming?
Real knowledge must be conveyed by realities; the thing itself must be made evident to one or more of the senses, to convey a knowledge of its form, size, colour, weight, texture, and other qualities. The perceptive powers, being continually exercised by the observation of various objects, become gradually strengthened and matured, and the knowledge of their qualities rooted in the memory. It is the high cultivation of those faculties that gives the artist and sculptor such nice perceptions of the tints, forms, and symmetry of their productions. In order, therefore, to educate the perceptive powers of the child, he must be directed to observe things, their qualities must be made evident to his senses; he must be taught, in the first place, to observe their most obvious properties and characteristics, and as his mind expands he must be made acquainted with all their other qualities.
After his perceptive powers have been awakened by observation, and the qualities of things impressed upon his memory, the next object is to stimulate and educate his comparative powers. To effect which, his attention should be directed to the differences and similitudes of objects in all their various qualities, to compare their relative forms, position, distances, arrangement, number, &c.
    Then his reflective powers, should be directed to the why and wherefore of all those forms, qualities, analogies, and differences which have previously occupied his attention. This mode of proceeding will gradually cultivate his discriminating and reflective powers as regards realities, and will lay the foundation of clear and consecutive reasoning.
    But in conveying this knowledge of things to a child, the teacher must be careful as regards over exerting its attention, and also guard against confusing it, which she will be apt to do, if she proceeds to describe or direct attention to one object after another in rapid succession, and goes through all their various qualities, uses, &c. She must proceed step by step, and be certain that her little pupils have clear ideas on one point before she proceeds to another; otherwise they will get confused, or imbibe her explanations by rote, without understanding them. The teacher should also see that, while the children's attention is directed to the acquisition of the various kinds of knowledge referred to, they are taught the medium by which they acquire it; that is, they should be familiarly and practically taught the uses of the senses.
    But in teaching children a knowledge of things, a knowledge of words must not be neglected; and in the usual mode of teaching these two essentials, there appears to us to be a deficiency for which we presume to suggest a remedy. The deficiency seems to be in this particular: the child's attention is first directed to things and their qualities, and the words which express them are repeated by the teacher; and according to the strength of the child's memory they are retained there. His attention is next directed to a reading lesson, (probably with a picture at its head;) now, though he may have previously heard the various words of this lesson, or may have many of them treasured up, yet, when he sees them in print, they appear to him as Greek or Hebrew characters appear to us, and he has to undergo a second discipline, to enable him to connect the ideas he has retained in his memory with those words ,or, if he has not retained the ideas previously taught him, he has to get the words by rote. In short, there appears to be wanting in this mode of teaching a closer connection of words and things. The following plan for their more intimate connection will, in our opinion, effect this object; and will also supply the best spelling and reading lessons for the INFANT SCHOOL, and in the PREPARATORY SCHOOL will be found highly useful for teaching a knowledge of grammar and composition.

A Case of Moveable Types*

*Since this was written we have read, in Dr. Biber's Life of Pestalozzi, that he had in his school spelling tablets, in which the letters were made to slide; - how far our suggestion may be similar we are not competent to determine, haying never seen the invention of M. Pestalozzi.

The above sketch represents a case, or shallow box, containing moveable types or letters, constructed as follows: The types should be made of beech, about a quarter of an inch in thickness, and varying in size according to the size of the letters. The letters should be printed in large, bold type, on tough paper, and should be fixed on to the types, (or bits of wood,) with thin glue. Instead of glueing them on singly, it will be better to glue them on a slip the whole width of the case, and when dry cut them off with a fine saw, and trim them. There should be two sets of Roman, and two sets of small capitals, in each case, together with two or three extra of those sorts of letters most used, such as e, t, o, i, a, n, &c. The cases may vary in size as the lessons may require; those twelve inches by ten will be a good size for the infant school. They should be made of plane-tree, or of wood not liable to warp; the sides to be half an inch thick and one inch deep, which should be grooved in the inside for both top and bottom. They should be mitred, keyed, and glued, and the bottom be put in at the same time they are glued together; and slips glued on the bottom in the inside, about a quarter of an inch wide, to separate each row of letters. The types must be made to fit in the case, so that they may easily be picked up; and if the slips between each row are made a little thinner than the types, it will facilitate this. The top, or lid, of the case should be made to slide easily towards the right hand. A number of slips should also be glued upon the lid of the case, (as seen in the sketch,) in which the words are to be composed.
We will now endeavour to describe the mode of using those types in the infant school. Instead of "lesson posts," usually adopted in those schools, we would suggest that stands (something like a reading-stand) be substituted in different parts of the room, for holding the letter cases; and if they were made with a drawer in each, for containing the case and objects when not in use, it would save the teacher much trouble. When the time for their object-lesson has arrived, the class-teacher marches his little class up to the stand, and arranges them in a half circle; and having properly placed his case, and got ready his objects, he takes up his position on the right of the stand within the circle, mounted on a little stool, and provided with a short pointing-stick. He then takes an object from his collection, (or shows them the card or picture, as it may be,) and passes it round for the inspection of his class, and then asks them its name. Some one of the children will most probably inform him; but if they are all unacquainted with it, it becomes the duty of the class teacher to instruct them. Supposing one of them says, "It is a pea," the class-teacher then requests one of them to compose "A Pea;" the child then picks up the letters from the case, and arranges them (as.is seen in the sketch) on its lid. After it is thus composed, he requests another child to spell and read what is composed; and so he proceeds, giving them different objects, asking them their names, then to compose those names, and then to spell and read them. Anyone who can may name the object - this will quicken the faculties of all; far by calling upon them alternately, one to compose, and another to spell, the attention of the whole will be arrested; when, if they were asked in rotation, those who had had their turn would be inattentive. In giving this example, however, it is assumed that the children have been previously instructed in a knowledge of the letter case, and also to distinguish the capitals from the smaller letters, and their use. For the first class of children it will be necessary to select those objects that are easily spelled, as pea, tin, nut, wax, lead, iron, &c.; and, if they are pictures of animals, such as cat, dog, ass, goat, sheep, horse, &c.
After they have thus learned to understand the words conveying the names of those objects which are easily spelt, their attention should be directed to their most obvious qualities, as " Tin is heavy," "Wax is soft," &c., which sentences they should be taught to compose and spell as before. By thus presenting familiar objects to their senses, then teaching them their names, then the letters that compose them, and then their sounds, we give them a clear conception of words; and by their handling the objects and letters, we interest them in every step of their progress. By this simple contrivance the children can be taught to spell without the use of books, and without the mischievous system usually pursued of tasking and over-burthening the memory with words, which, when acquired, are useless till the objects or qualities they represent are made evident to the senses of the child. Reading can also be taught with facility by this method; and being always in connection with things and their properties, the knowledge thus conveyed is more likely to be comprehended and impressed on the memory, than if the child had to spell and stumble his way through a long paragraph, the sense of which he would in all probability lose, from the difficulties he would meet with, and the want of clear and definite associations. The arrangement of the words by the method suggested would also enable the teacher to convey incidentally the grammatical meaning of several of them; but this would be of little importance in the infant school. If figures be substituted for letters on the types, the children may be taught the use and value of figures, though the properties and elements of numbers should always be taught real objects: therefore, it would be well to use Mr. Wilderspin's arithmeticon in connection with the types.* In fact, the letter-case, in the hands of a skilful teacher, will, as we conceive, be found a pleasing instrument for conveying a vast fund of information to the mind of a child.

* The arithmeticon, invented by Mr. Wilderspin, for the purpose of teaching children the elements of numbers, is an oblong, open frame, with twelve wires running across it at equal parallel distances, on each of which wires there are twelve wooden balls strung, making in all one hundred and forty-four. The balls are the size of a nutmeg, and are painted alternately black and white, which when used, are passed from left to right, and the children taught to count and understand the numbers.

During the time the children are thus occupied with their lessons under their respective class-teachers, the teacher and assistant should be engaged in superintending and instructing them; and a variety of questions may be put and information given at those times, which may have a very beneficial tendency.
In order to impress particular objects on the memory, as well as to cultivate their tastes and perceptions of beauty, the room should be ornamented with well-executed, coloured prints, or drawings, in natural history, zoology, astronomy, and machinery, together with neat models, and a few specimens of minerals and fossils; and at different times their attention should be directed to them, and their use and characteristics explained. The teacher should also give them an idea of angles, squares, circles, &c., from objects, or from various instruments and models, which can be cheaply obtained for that purpose. For instructing them in a knowledge of weights and measures, it would be well if some were introduced into a corner of the play-ground, as well as some clean sand for the children to weigh and measure, and let them prove by experiment that so many ounces make a pound, or pints a gallon; they should, however, be provided with a scoop, to prevent them from soiling their hands. The most advanced class should be provided with small slates, on which they should be taught to form the outlines of squares, angles, circles, and eventually of letters, by copying from diagram-boards placed slantingly before them on the floor. Nor should their tuneful powers be neglected, as the exercise of them would be both healthful and instructive; but care should be taken against practising them in any nursery nonsense, or in compositions they cannot understand. Pieces inculcating their social and moral duties, or descriptive of beauty and perfection in nature or art, will be found the most useful. The children should also be taught the elements of dancing, both for exercise of body and cheerfulness of mind. While, however, much intellectual knowledge may be conveyed in a pleasing manner to little children, care must be taken to convey it clearly, however slow the progress may be, and also that the child is not forced beyond its natural powers.
Having given our opinion regarding the means of exercising and educating the physical and intellectual powers of the child, it is now necessary to advert to the most important feature in infant training, that of moral education. And here we would again premise that the moral faculties must be positively exercised, the same as the intellectual or bodily faculties, in order to train or educate them; that is, each faculty must be separately appealed to by some exciting cause, and by constant exercise and discipline directed to such course and conduct as shall best promote the happiness of the individual, and of society, of which he is a member.
We have already said that every individual possesses, in common with other animals, a great variety of animal inclinations; these are more active in some than in others, but they are more active in all than the nobler faculties, designated moral faculties. Those animal propensities confer a great amount of happiness on the individual when they are governed by morality and directed by intellect: but otherwise, they dispose him to gratify his inclinations selfishly, cruelly, unjustly, and intemperately. On the contrary, it is the nature of the moral faculties to predispose him to a love of justice, truth, benevolence, firmness, and respect for whatever is great and good; - but they need cultivation; and, unfortunately for mankind, the circumstances calculated for their developement and cultivation are not placed so easily within the reach of individuals as are those circumstances which develope and bring the animal propensities into activity. Perceiving this, the question for inquiry is, what are the means to be adopted for educating those nobler faculties of our nature, so that in conjunction with knowledge they may be made wisely to direct and temperately to govern the selfish and sensual desires? But will mere advice or precept be sufficient for this purpose? Will these be sufficient to educate the moral any more than the intellectual powers of the mind? And what course do we adopt to cultivate the INTELLECTUAL FACULTIES of our children? Are we content with merely advising them to read, write, and cipher? With lauding the great advantages of mensuration? or with promising to reward them, if they will but excel in a knowledge of geometry? Certainly not; for what possible good would such conduct effect? what conceptions can they form of those various kinds of knowledge, till they are made evident to their senses, and till their understandings are gradually trained to perceive and appreciate their importance ? - then, indeed, will our precept be responded to by their convictions, but till then will be of little use. Should not this common-sense mode of educating one set of faculties be our guide for another? does not experience prove that, if we would succeed in cultivating the MORAL FACULTIES, we must proceed in precisely the same manner as we do with the intellectual? For instance, if we would cultivate the love of justice in a child, we must first make the idea of justice evident to his understanding, by pointing out to him such instances of injustice and impropriety as may occur in his own conduct or in that of others, and give him the reasons how and why he should have acted. The love of truth should be cultivated in the same manner, though it forms an almost inherent principle in children, till they are taught falsehood by the example of their parents or others; but when so corrupted, they can only be cured by the same intellectual and moral discipline. Benevolence, kindness, and humanity must be equally rendered obvious to the understanding; unhappily, examples of misery, unkindness, and cruelty are everywhere too prevalent. Not that children should be taken out of their own sphere to witness them, but in their own little circle every opportunity should be embraced of directing their attention to any object, incident, act, or anecdote, calculated to give them correct ideas of the moral qualities sought to be conveyed, and then to quicken and discipline their moral faculties.* As one means of calling forth and educating some of the higher faculties, we would suggest the establishment of a sick fund in every school. By instructing them to make their own rules and conduct their own business, they will be readily brought to understand principles of law and justice, and rules of duty and obligation as members and officers; and by their visiting of their sick members (unless in infectious cases), they may be practically disciplined in kindness and humanity. It would be also advisable to instruct them to make or amend such rules or regulations as may be necessary for the government of their play-ground, which should be hung up and appealed to when any one offended against them. ** All this may appear to some of trifling importance; but by such trifles a skilful teacher would convey more practical lessons of rights and duties than could be effected by volumes of theoretical learning. The right of property is another important lesson which, if made evident to the intellect, will, in connection with their love of justice, be found the best security against all kinds of pilfering and dishonesty. To call forth their respect and admiration for all that is truly great and good, the teacher should be assiduous in directing their attention to any such acts whenever they occur, and she should occasionally read and explain to them anecdotes of great deeds and good actions; not of heroes and conquerors, the pests of our race, but of those whose acts and deeds have augmented the amount of human happiness. They should also be taught the importance of useful labour and the value of industry, by showing them how labour is required for the cultivation of the earth, in order to provide us with food, raiment, and habitation, as well as to convert its productions into articles for our necessity and comfort; and also that our bodies are so organized, that the exercise of moderate labour improves our health; - and, therefore, seeing that labour is necessary, and that all are benefitted by it, all ought to labour and be industrious, according to their abilities; and that all-those who, under any pretence, evade their fair share, act unjustly and dishonestly towards their brethren, by imposing on them such additional burthens of labour as to injure their health and diminish their happiness. While they should be taught to value and respect the acquisitions of honest industry, they should be made to perceive the injustice of ill-acquired possessions, and to despise every description of luxury, extravagance, and dissipation, which corrupts society, and diminishes the general amount of human enjoyment.

* See a very excellent work by Mr. A. Combe, " On the Management of Infancy," on this particular point.
** The trial by jury, as adopted by Mr. Wilderspin, will be found another important means of moral discipline.

Nor must their imaginative powers be neglected; to develope which, their attention should be directed to the various points of beauty, grandeur, and sublimity which are seen in the glowing landscape, the flowing stream, the raging storm, the brilliant sunshine, and the fragile flower; and, above all, the radiant glory of a star-light night. Such lessons will teach them to soar beyond the grovelling pursuits of vice and sordid meanness.
As affording the best means of regulating their appetites and desires, they should be familiarly instructed in their uses and functions, and shown how undue gratification proves injurious to health and morals; - how all their faculties of mind and body are governed by peculiar laws, which laws must be obeyed, to insure health and happiness; and that, whenever they are disobeyed, sickness of body, pain of mind, or injury to their neighbours, is certain to be the inevitable result.
While much moral instruction may be conveyed in the school-room, the play-ground will be found the best place for moral training; where all their faculties will be active, and when their dispositions and feelings will be displayed in a different manner than when they are in the schoolroom, where order and discipline should prevail. But when in the play-ground, the teacher should incite them to amusement and activity, in order to develope their characters; and whenever any irregularity of conduct transpires, she should put forth her reasons rather than her authority; - her object should be to convince, rather than to chide them. For if she attempts to restrain the passions or govern the moral feelings by a system of coercion, she will as surely fail in her object as most of those who have gone before her. Another mental faculty which requires great care and attention is the love of approbation;- this, when properly disciplined, is an essential requisite to greatness of character; but, when otherwise, it degenerates into low and selfish ambition. The teacher would therefore do well to avoid all kinds of rewards and distinctions, so as to prevent all kinds of mental rivalry among her pupils; and she should also be careful in her praises and scrupulous in her censures. For though such stimulants may call forth some of their intellectual powers, it will be in most cases at the expense of morality; for while those possessed of strong distinctive feelings will strive to excel and rival their fellows, their triumphs will call forth the envy, hatred, and hypocrisy of all those who are outrivalled. They should all be impressed with a high sense of duty, each to perform and excel according to his abilities; and taught that nature having given them all different powers of mind and body, he who cultivates his powers, and employs them to promote the happiness of society, is sure to meet with the approval of all good men, independently of his own conscientious satisfaction. In short, the teacher must make it an especial part of her duty to cultivate all the moral faculties, as they are of paramount importance; at least, she must lay a sound foundation. She must remember that each faculty has particular functions to perform, and must be trained according to its peculiarities - that, necessary to all moral instruction, the intellect must be made fully to understand moral qualities, by rendering them obvious to the senses - and that each faculty must be awakened and disciplined by constantly exercising it, according to its nature, and under the guide of the intellect.
In concluding these observations on infant training, we have thought it unnecessary to refer to many points of management - to the heating and ventilating of the school, the particulars of the play-ground, or the different kinds of apparatus required for teaching. There is one point, however, necessary to mention, as it involves a proposed alteration - it is this: in most infant schools, they have a gallery in one end of the room, for the simultaneous teaching of the children, an arrangement which, we think, might be dispensed with, seeing that the room would be wanted for other purposes of an evening. We would therefore suggest that the side seats (constructed, like steps, one above another, like those generally used in infant schools) be made moveable, and in short lengths, so that they may be removed of an evening, if necessary; and also, when any simultaneous teaching is required, those at the furthest end of the room may be readily brought up, and extended across wherever they may be needed, so that, when the teacher is mounted on the rostrum, the children would both hear and see as well as in a gallery.

THE PREPARATORY SCHOOL

As will be seen by the plan of the district halls, we propose that the upper room of each be fitted up for the purposes of a Preparatory and High School, for both males and females, until more extensive arrangements can be made for building a greater number of schools in each district;* but in order to preserve the separation of the two schools, as well as that of the two sexes, we recommend the arrangements as seen at page 50, by which it is proposed that the PREPARATORY SCHOOL be situated in the body of the room - the boys on the right hand, and the girls on the left, with a passage between them divided by a moveable hand-rail, or by any other means. And as, in all probability, comparatively fewer children will attend the HIGH SCHOOL, we propose that a division be made in the upper end of the room (as seen in the plate) on each side of the rostrum - the boys on one side, and girls on the other. If, however, the numbers in the respective schools vary considerably, other arrangements can easily be made to accommodate them.

* If arrangement permitted, two class rooms should be added to each District Hall.

Instead of the usual writing-desks, which cramp the arms and distort the bodies of children, we propose that tables be instituted of the height required, made with drawers for holding their slates, books, and school apparatus: and that the forms be made with framed backs, as the spine is often injured from long sitting without such support; and if they are made of the height necessary for adults, by the placing of a foot-rail in front of the table, they will be equally convenient for the children to sit upon. The rostrum, or platform for the teacher, should be made with steps in front, and of a size sufficient for the assistant to sit on; also for the lecturers, &c., of an evening. On each side of the room, in the piers between the windows, stands for the letter cases should be fixed, and so made, that they may let down close to the wall when not in use.
    The school-room should be handsomely fitted up and decorated with maps, drawings, diagrams, and models, illustrative of the various branches of knowledge. There should be a good coloured map of the world, another of Europe, one of the United Kingdom, and, if possible, a relief map of the county in which the school is situated. There should also be large prints or drawings of the human skeleton, of the muscular system, and of the interior of the human body; also geological and mineralogical maps of the earth's strata; prints, or drawings of the solar system; of the mechanical powers; of perspective illustration; together with others of a like instructive tendency. It should also be furnished with a pair of globes, with Hadley's quadrant, Fahrenheit's thermometer, the mariners' compass, geometrical models, models for drawing from, a cast or model of the human brain, as well as any curious specimen in nature or art of a useful and ornamental description.   The play-ground should also be provided with such useful gymnastic arrangements as may be necessary for the exercise of the children, as well as with any means or contrivance the teacher may think necessary for their instruction. And it would be highly desirable if every such school had a piece of garden attached, by which the children might be taught some practical knowledge of horticulture and botany. They should be allowed at least half an hour in the middle of the forenoon and afternoon of each day, as well as their dinner hour, for recreation and amusement in the play-ground, so that their health may be preserved by proper air and exercise, and their youthful spirits kept up in all their buoyancy, which the present system of confinement, tasking, and drilling, materially tends to destroy. Any objections that may exist against the association of boys and girls in the same playground, may easily be obviated by the girls being allowed to play in the ground of the infant school, the time for the infants being there regulated accordingly.
It would be advisable to have no schooling on the afternoons of Wednesdays and Saturdays, in order that the teacher and assistant might at those times take out the different classes in rotation, to teach them a knowledge of those objects which cannot be properly taught in the schoolroom.
    The same order should also be observed in these schools, respecting the children's hats, cloaks, and bonnets, as in the lower school; a similar system of classification should be continued, and the same enforcement of cleanliness and regularity of attendance.
  The schools should be opened of a morning and closed of an evening with vocal music, the principles of which should form a part of the children's education; and the teacher should see that they retired to their respective homes with more order and regularity than are generally observed after school hours.
In addition to the qualifications enumerated as essential for the teacher of the INFANT SCHOOL, the teacher in the PREPARATORY and HIGH SCHOOLS should possess the following requisites: he should write a fair hand, be a good arithmetician, have a general knowledge of mathematics and their practical application to the arts of life. He should understand geography, so as to explain the position of the country, the resources, habits, and pursuits of different nations, and of his own country in particular; he should know so much of astronomy, as to be able to explain the phenomena of the heavens, and of geology and mineralogy, as to impart a knowledge of the structure and wonders of the earth; he should possess some knowledge in natural history, so as to give an account of the animals on the earth's surface, and especially of his own species; he should have some knowledge of chemistry and skill in experiments, and should know so much of natural philosophy, as to be able to explain the general causes and effects in nature; of political knowledge, he should understand the basis of rights and duties, the principles and theory of government, the foundation of law and justice, and especially the political system adopted in his own country; he should understand the principles of political, or national economy, comprising a knowledge of the production and distribution of wealth; he should know something of the philosophy of history, chronologically and biographically, so as to direct the children to distinguish truth from fable and falsehood, to detect deeds of shame and injustice beneath false coverings of glory and honour, to strip sophistry of its speciousness, interest of its panegyric, and heroes of their hollow fame; and, as far as possible, to extract wisdom from the black record of our species in their advance from barbarism towards civilization. He should know something of botany, should have a taste for gardening, and be acquainted with agricultural pursuits; he should possess a knowledge of perspective, and have a taste for design, so as to be able to sketch correctly any object of art or nature: in addition to which, it would be well if he understood the first principles of the most useful trades. - Many persons may conceive that great difficulties will have to be surmounted before we shall have teachers qualified in all these particulars, as doubtless there will be; but when we take into account the vast number of persons in this country possessing great knowledge and genius, who are now fagging as schoolmasters, clerks, office-writers, authors, or drudges of some kind, who would readily qualify themselves in a normal school, if by doing so they could improve their condition, we may safely rely on finding a sufficient number of qualified teachers, if we bestir ourselves to make and extend a profitable market for superior talent.
    The teacher's assistant should be able to write well, have some knowledge of arithmetic, should speak grammatically, have some skill in the use of her needle, should understand cutting out male and female garments, should possess a correct taste, have an aptitude for teaching, be of courteous manners, and have a good moral character.
    We now come to the mode of education to be adopted, and the particular kinds of knowledge to be imparted, in the PREPARATORY SCHOOL.
    The object of this school being to effect a still further developement of the physical, intellectual, and moral powers, we know no better mode than that we have already referred to. To improve the physical powers of the children, the air and exercise of the play-ground will still be necessary; to mature their intellect, their perceptive, comparative, and reflective faculties must be exercised in observing and reasoning on realities; to strengthen and discipline their moral powers, they must be led to perceive and understand moral qualities, and be exercised and trained by external impressions.
    The kinds of information to be imparted, especially to the first class of children, must depend on their previous training; but presuming that they have been strengthened and much improved by going through the discipline of the infant school, we recommend that their attention be now directed to objects and qualities more difficult to comprehend. They should be taught to perceive and understand more minute peculiarities and nicer distinctions, to learn to describe them correctly, to account for their origin and estimate their uses.* Their attention should also be directed to the external world, with all its natural and artificial variety. They should be gradually taught to understand the habits, peculiarities, and uses of such animals as they saw, as well as to distinguish the properties of trees and common plants, the qualities of earths, rocks, and minerals, and eventually to distinguish class, genera, order, and species.

* The Pestalozzian system of teaching by objects, as set forth in Dr. Mayo's " Object Lessons," would be a great assistance to the teachers.

In the artificial world they should be shown the various descriptions of tools and instruments of labour, and have their uses explained to them; and such kinds of machinery, manual and scientific operations, as they could have access to. In short, their attention should be directed, their inquiries elicited, and their minds informed regarding every object which meets their eyes, or which could be brought within the sphere of their observation.
In order to instruct them still further in the use and meaning of words, as well as the spelling and composing them, The LETTER CASE should be introduced, and used in a similar manner as in the infant school. Only in proportion as the children advance from one class to another, they should describe the objects presented to them more at length, and correctly compose the different words as they describe them. After which the class-teacher should turn the letter-case towards himself, and request them alternately to spell the different words composed, and eventually some of them to read the whole composition. While these lessons are going on, the teacher and assistant should see that the different objects are properly described and spelt, that the children pronounce the different words correctly and distinctly, that they read with proper emphasis, and understand the meaning of each word they use.
A great portion of English grammar* may also be taught through the medium of those compositions, by the teacher instructing the children in the names, uses, and qualities of the different words as they occur. And if the most simple rules in grammar be printed in a large type, hung up against the walls, and referred to, to guide or correct them whenever it may be necessary, it will be found that they will be far better understood by such practice, than if they were learned by rote, without any practical means of application. The teacher and his assistant should also direct their particular attention to the conversation of the children in the play-ground, and see that they express themselves grammatically, for correct speaking cannot be learned but by continued practice.

* Since our First Edition, Mr. Mudie has put forth a plan for teaching English Grammar by moveable words. Published by Mr. Cleave, Shoe Lane; which we cordially recommend to the attention of the reader.

We now come to the writing department, and here we must suppose that the children have been taught the forms and proportions of letters in the writing-alphabet in the infant school; if not, they should be taught in classes, by the means of diagram-boards placed before them, on which the letters should be drawn, and which the children should copy on their slates. The teacher should direct their attention to the peculiar forms and proportions of the letters, and the easiest method of copying them. As soon as they have acquired some skill in making the letters, they should be taught to write down the names of objects on their slates, and a number of objects which are easily spelt should be given to each class for that purpose. After they have had some practice with one set of objects, another should be given them; and eventually they should begin to describe at length their qualities, uses, &c.*

* Small boxes (or cards) of objects should be collected and arranged by the teacher for the different purposes of the school; a great variety may be collected in his walks with the children, and others may be purchased at a trifling cost.

The children should be taught a small hand: large hand should never be attempted till they have acquired great freedom in the use of the pen. The absurd practice of ruling lines for children should be dispensed with, as it begets a pernicious habit, which makes it difficult for adults so accustomed, to write straight without lines.
    The eye must be practised from infancy to direct them to write straightly and evenly, without lines; and though they will write irregularly at first, the advantages will be soon obvious to the teacher.
As they will have to write on slates till they have acquired some proficiency, their pencil should be fixed in a tin case, so as to make it the requisite length (about six inches), which they should be taught to hold as they would a pen. And in order that it may be always at hand, they should have a small groove made on the top of their slate-frame, of the length required, with a bit of leather over it, in which to keep their pencil.
    Nor must the teacher forget to instruct his pupils in the proper position of sitting to write, as well as in the correct movements of the hand, arm, and fingers, which are essential for writing with elegance and expedition.
    The pupil should sit in an upright position near the table, with the left side near, but not pressing it, and with the whole weight of the body supported by the left arm. The body should be bent a little forward, with the right arm resting on the table three or four inches from the body. The slate (or paper when used) should be placed directly in front of the right arm, and parallel with the edge of the table. The pencil (or pen) should be gently held between the thumb and first and second fingers, with the top of it always pointing to the right shoulder. Little children should keep the second finger nearly half an inch from the point of the pen, and persons of ten years old and upwards about an inch. The fleshy part of the fore arm should rest on the table, so as to give the wrist full play; the hand may be supported on the ends of the third and fourth fingers inclined towards the palm of the hand.
  In writing, the letters are executed by three general movements and their combinations.
  The first movement is that of the whole arm in all directions. To acquire this movement with freedom, the learner should practise exercises in perpendicular columns, where letters or syllables are connected from the top to the bottom by means of loops, which should be executed without taking the pencil from the slate. The movement of the fingers may be combined with the arm in these exercises, but the wrist should never touch the table.
    The second movement is the forward, backward, and oblique play of the fore arm, while the arm rests lightly on or near the elbow. The great object in this movement is to discipline the muscles of the fore arm, so necessary to expert and exact penmanship. The learner should, therefore, begin by making ovals either horizontally or obliquely, continuing the pencil on the slate, and going round repeatedly on the same outline, as quickly as possible. When the oval can be made with neatness and precision, he should try to make letters and short words, but without lifting the pencil; and the movement of the under fingers must be such that, if another pencil were fixed to them, they would produce the same word at the same time. In writing current hand by this movement, the learner must slide his arm laterally along the table at convenient distances, so that his hand and elbow be always in a line where the word is to be written, and parallel with the sides of the slate (or paper). The movement of the thumb and fingers is generally combined with this movement in all sizes of writing, in free running hand, and in all quick writing.
    The third movement is that of the thumb and fingers alone. Exercises proper to acquire this movement are all common sized large hand, formal small hand, and all studied writing where great exactness is required in the form of the letters.
As a general rule the pupil should first be taught the use of the arm and fore arm, and till much facility is gained in using them, the use of the fingers in current hand writing should be postponed; and even when the fingers are allowed, they should not be suffered to execute the whole writing, but only the upward and downward strokes of the letters, while the connecting hair lines are formed by the lateral movement of the arm or fore arm. He should never be permitted to lean on his wrist when writing, nor should his pencil be taken off the slate in the middle of a word.*

*The above method of sitting, holding the pen, and movements of the hand and arm, is taken from an article in the Educational Magazine for 1838, edited by Mr. William Martin.

By attention to these rules the pupil will be easily taught to write a straight, even, and masterly hand, instead of the stiff, formal, and crooked style so common to those who have been taught by the ordinary methods.
When they can write tolerably well on their slates, they should be provided with writing-books, into which they should copy their compositions on objects, as well as descriptions of such places, scenes, or occurrences as they may have witnessed in their walks with the teacher. It should also be his duty to point out to them particular objects for this purpose, and to question them at the time as regards their several features or peculiarities, in order to call forth the descriptive powers of the children; - they should write the matter down first on their slates, and, when approved of, into their copy-books. We give the following specimens illustrative of our meaning:-

Last Saturday afternoon our teacher took us to Mr. Careful's farm, and showed us the tools and implements used in farming. We saw spades, picks, hoes, rakes, pitchforks, scythes, sickles, sieves, and a great variety of other tools, the names of which I have forgotten. We were shown how they used several of them, and had the uses of most of them explained to us. We were then taken to the barn, stable, cowhouse, sheepfold, piggery, poultry-yard, and other places about the farm. We then went out to the fields, and saw the fanner and his men ploughing and harrowing the ground, and sowing wheat. When the teacher informed us of the nature and uses of all those things, I thought that farming was the most useful of all occupations.
    Sept. 24th, 1839.                                                                     Richard Jones.

   The last time I was out with my class we were taken to a blacksmith's shop, where we saw the manner of working in iron and steel. They had a large fire kept up to a great heat by means of an immense pair of bellows; in which fire they heated the iron, in order to soften it. We saw them make several tools and other articles while we were there. They put the pieces of iron the articles were made with into the fire, and when they were made hot, they took them out with a large pair of tongs, and hammered them into the forms they wanted them, on a large block of iron called an anvil; they were then filed up very smoothly, and when finished were polished.
    Oct. 11th, 1839.                                                                       John Teener.

On Wednesday the 25th of July, 1840, being on the top of Beech Hill, my attention was directed to Widow Neat's cottage, which is pleasantly situated on a rising slope at the foot of the hill. It is but a small and homely built place, yet the taste and industry of Joseph, the widow's only son, have rendered it a little home of beauty. The rough appearance of the walls is concealed by a luxurant vine in front, by a flowering clematis at one end, and a fine peach tree at the other. The garden in front of the cottage is laid out with great neatness, the gravel walks are kept dry and clean, the different beds are edged with box, and I think a more choice collection of blooming flowers and odorous plants are seldom found in so small a spot. There is a small orchard at the back of the cottage well stocked with apple, pear, and plumb trees; and every part of it is kept in great order. The widow was busily engaged with her needle in a little bower which her son had built for her in one corner of the garden, and her son was industriously employed in the orchard. I was so struck with the neatness of the cottage, the taste and order of the garden, the cheerfulness of the widow, and industry of the son, that on leaving the place I resolved to profit by what I had witnessed.
William Johnson.

The children's discrimination and judgment regarding moral qualities may be exercised in a similar manner; by teaching them to describe any act of cruelty or injustice, or of kindness or affection, they may have witnessed in their rambles. Their first productions will doubtlessly be very crude, but the mode we have described for calling forth their knowing and reasoning powers, will greatly assist them in composition; and when they know that they will have to describe certain objects they see in their walks, they will observe them with greater care and attention than they otherwise would.
For the purpose of aiding their descriptive and inventive powers, they should also be taught the art of sketching objects, as it will be of great service to them in the respective trades and occupations they may hereafter be engaged in. To this end, the sketching classes should first be provided with geometrical models, the outlines of which they should be taught to draw by the eye on their slates. After they have had some practice in drawing these symmetrical objects, they should be provided with different sets of drawing models, for the purpose of sketching their outlines.* When they have acquired some skill in this branch, they should be provided with leaves of trees and plants to sketch, and eventually with the plants; the wild flowers and weeds they may find in their walks will afford them great variety, and be far better for the purpose than those of the garden. As they progress in the art they should be taught to take sketches of tools, machinery, patterns, buildings, trees, landscapes, &c. They should also be taught the most simple rules in perspective, and also to shade and tint their productions, and be provided with a drawing-book, and encouraged to practise their lessons at home. As accessory to this art, they should be taught to construct the various kinds of angles, ovals, and different-sided figures in geometry, but in all instances familiar applications of them should be brought home to their understanding.

* These can be cheaply obtained; but if some of the girls were taught " the art of modelling in Bristol board," they could make models of this description.

If the children have been trained in the infant school, they will have learned the elements of numbers by means of tangible objects, and they should now be instructed in the use and application of the four fundamental rules of arithmetic, simple and compound. And as many children are, unfortunately, taken away from school before they are nine years of age (the time for admitting them into the high school), it would be well to teach them in the preparatory school the best and simplest mode of keeping accounts. Among the multiplicity of plans proposed for teaching children a knowledge of arithmetic, the Pestalozzian and the Lancasterian seem to be most generally preferred. The following are brief specimens of each of their plans:-

THE PESTALOZZIAN METHOD

"The children are taught the elements of numbers by objects, such as beans, pebbles, small squares of wood, or any other objects at hand.* They first begin by learning to count the objects presented to them. When they are familiar with this, they begin with addition, thus: one and one are two, two and one are three, three and two are five, &c., at the same time having objects before them to prove it. They then proceed to subtraction, thus: one from five, and four remains; three from nine, and six remains; eight from twenty, and twelve remains, &c. Then to multiplication thus: two twos make four, three fours make twelve, nine threes make twenty-seven, &c. Then to division, thus: there are three fours in twelve, six threes in eighteen, five eights in forty, nine fives in forty-five, &c. The child is then exercised by means of objects and writing down strokes on his slate, as follows: in six twos how many tens and ones? in two fives how many tens? in four threes how many tens and ones? in nine threes how many tens and ones? &c. He is then taught the elements of fractions by means of small squares of wood, marked on the surface into different squares; and by them the child is made to perceive that two is the third of six, three the third of nine, five the fourth of twenty, &c. He is then taught by objects the different powers of numbers, as thus: the powers of two are four, eight, sixteen, thirty-four, &c.; the powers of three are nine, twenty-seven, eighty-one, &c. He is then examined as to proportions: in three fours how many ones, twos, threes, and fours are there? in four fours how many ones, twos, fours, eights, and sixteens are there? &c. After they are well exercised in this manner by means of objects, they are exercised in mental arithmetic; that is, they are exercised without the aid of objects. And in order to acquire this kind of knowledge, the same or similar lessons are repeated without objects."

* Such as the arithmeticon.

THE LANCASTERIAN METHOD

"The first class in arithmetic is taught as follows:- The monitor reads from a table, which he is provided with, thus: 9 and 1 are 10, 9 and 2 are 11, &c.; 25 and 1 are 26, 25 and 2 are 27, &c.; - and as he reads, each child writes it down on his slate. Other tables are then used for subtraction, as thus: take 9 from 10, and 1 remains; 8 from 12, and 4 remains. The multiplication and pence tables are taught by the same method. The mode of examining them regarding what they have learned is as follows. These tables, without the totals to them, are suspended against the walls, and the children are arranged in a semi-circle before them. Supposing it to be an addition table, the monitor asks the child at the head of the circle how many are 9 and 4; - if he cannot answer him, he asks another child; and so on, till he meets with one who can answer him; and he who answers the question takes precedence of the child who is unable to answer it. And so the monitors proceed to question them regarding subtraction, multiplication, &c. The next step is to teach them sums in the different rules. The monitor, being provided with a written book of sums, begins with addition in the following manner. He reads aloud the first row of figures in the sum, which the children write down on their slates as he reads them; and so he proceeds with the other rows, taking care to inspect the children's slates as he proceeds, to see if they have written them down correctly. He then reads from his book the mode of counting up the sum, thus: 7 and 9 are 16, and 3 are 19, and 5 are 24; set down 4 under the 7, and carry 2 to the next. This is also written down by each class as he proceeds. Compound addition is proceeded with in the same manner, as also are all the other simple and compound rules, every rule being a study for a separate class. The mode of examining them regarding what they have learned in these rules is similar to the method above stated. In whatever rule they are in, a sum in that rule is written on a diagram before them, and the children are called on in rotation to work it before their class. Supposing the sum to be in addition, the first boy proceeds to add up aloud the first row; if he fails, the next is called on, &c." *

* We would recommend to the reader, "Arithmetic for Young Children," price Is. 6d., published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge.

A portion of geography should also be taught in this school, not by rote, but, as far as possible, by models, maps, and illustrations. The first essential is to give the children clear ideas of the general form and surface of the globe, which, we think, may be brought home to their understandings by the following methods: A model of the globe should be prepared, having the portions representing the sea sunk, and those that represent the earth elevated and made rough, and both coloured so as to represent land and water. In conjunction with this they should be shown a relief map of the county they live in,* by which they should be taught to perceive that the rough places on the model are mountains, hills, and valleys, intersected with rivers, lakes, and streams. They should then be taken to the top of some eminence, and shown the surface of the surrounding country, and should be taught to refer to the relief map for the elevations and depressions before them, and to the model of the globe for the roughness they perceived on its surface. Having given them clear ideas of the general form of the earth, they should then be taught to understand its most prominent particulars. A continent, island, peninsula, cape, and isthmus, may be illustrated by a small model, in which water may be introduced to represent seas, lakes, gulphs, rivers, &c.; and which, in conjunction with the terrestrial globe, will serve to convey clear ideas. They should then be taught to draw the general outline of their own country, with its principal rivers, canals, roads, towns, and cities, and to know the staple trade and manufactures carried on at the different places. When thus made acquainted with the geography of their own country, they should proceed in a similar manner with the whole of the United Kingdom.

*Relief maps, published under the patronage of the Central Society of Education, are sold by Taylor and Walton, 23, Upper Gower Street London.

If they are presented with proper specimens and drawings, and have some attention shown to them in their different composition classes, they will acquire much information in natural history, chemistry, mineralogy, and geology; and in their walks with their teacher, as well as in the garden, they may very easily be taught the elements of botany. The teacher should also devote some portion of time, twice or thrice in the week, for the purpose of giving the whole school short lectures or explanations on such subjects as cannot well be conveyed through the means of the different classes, such as the structure and functions of the human body - of the brain, and its functions - the best means of preserving health - the nature of government, laws, rights, and obligations - the production and distribution of wealth - as well as some information and experiments in chemical and mechanical science. But the whole should be conveyed in the most simple and familiar language, and illustrated and explained by such apt comparisons, models, pictures, diagrams, and other means, as a skilful teacher will easily invent and know how to employ.
As a great number of children, either from timidity or the want of a clear perception of the meaning of a passage, fail to read with proper emphasis and effect, we recommend the following mode of practising them in the art of reading. A well written and forcible piece should be selected, either in prose or verse, and the teacher should read it aloud, in conjunction with two or three classes at once, taking care that each child reads it, word for word, in the same tone and emphasis as the teacher does. By reading all together in this manner, the least variation in tone or emphasis will be easily detected; and by singling out those who vary from the rest, and drawing their attention to their own faults and the way to avoid them, they will in a short time catch the tone and spirit of the rest, and consequently acquire the teacher's mode and manner of reading.
For the purpose of giving them a taste for reading, and the power of understanding what they read, it will be advisable that lesson cards be laid before them at stated times, on which some interesting objects should be described or facts narrated, and, after giving them a short time to read and think, the teacher should examine them alternately as to the meaning of what they have read.* It will be unnecessary to question them individually; for as they will not know who will be examined, they will all prepare themselves, and consequently all profit by their reading.

* See specimens of lesson cards at page 120. [Note: The specimen lesson cards are at the end of this document]

In addition to the various kinds of knowledge we have referred to as necessary to be taught to both sexes in the preparatory school, it should be the duty of the assistant to teach the girls to knit and sew, to mend and make different kinds of garments, and to impart to them some information on domestic economy.
Kindness and reason should always be employed to urge them to their duties, coercion and anger never.
Knowledge should never be made irksome by tasks and compulsion, but rendered pleasant by means of the clear-headed and light-hearted disposition of the teacher.

THE HIGH SCHOOL

By the time the pupil has gone through the six years' discipline of the other schools, and arrived at an age to be admitted into the high school, he will not only have acquired much useful information, but will have made great progress in the art of imparting it to others; which is one of the great essentials of education. If proper attention has been shown him, he will possess sound discriminating and reflecting powers - the best guides to knowledge and wisdom; and having been trained in the practice as well as the knowledge of morality, he will be inclined to pursue truth, justice, and benevolence for their own intrinsic excellence, and conscience giving reward. His memory, instead of being filled with the words and sayings of others, will be stored with a knowledge of things, qualities, facts, events, and conclusions which he has tested by the evidence of his senses, and made his own by his reasoning and experience. His attainments, though as yet little more than elementary, will be varied and extensive, compared with those which are usually possessed by children of his age, and will have been acquired under circumstances of pleasure and amusement, compared with the usual scholastic system. If properly taught, he will have clear ideas of the form and surface of the globe he lives on - will know something of its structure, materials, and inhabitants - as well as the principles and means by which its materials are rendered subservient to the purposes of man. He will have some knowledge of his own nature, bodily and mentally, as also of his rights and duties, his moral and social relations. He will also be familiarised with many important facts and experiments in science - will have clear ideas of numbers and computation - will have made some progress in drawing, and will be able to describe, in a fair hand, and in tolerably correct language, the ideas he has received.
The object of the HIGH SCHOOL is for the still higher developement of his moral faculties - to extend his knowledge of arithmetic, geometry, geography, drawing, and composition, - to make him still further acquainted with nature and her laws - with the resources, institutions, and arts of life - with the history of his own species - and to cultivate, as far as possible, his powers of communicating knowledge.
In teaching arithmetic and mental calculation, the clearest and shortest system should be adopted. We have already referred to two systems; the next which appears to us to possess great merits, is Messrs. Willcolkes and Fryer's system; the following two or three examples will convey a slight, though a very imperfect idea of their work.*

* Printed by Henry Mozley and Sons, Brook Street, Derby; and sold by Longman and Co., Paternoster Row, London. Price 5s.

Whenever a practical method or application of any rule in arithmetic can be shown, the teacher should always avail himself of that mode of instructing the children; and the same may be said of mensuration, geometry, and trigonometry, which should be taught by the most approved methods, in the last year of their schooling. Their knowledge of perspective should be extended, and their practice of drawing continued in this school; and especially in the art of drawing tools, implements, machinery, plans, &c. They should also be further instructed in the geography of the United Kingdom, and eventually in that of the whole world.
The system of reading from cards should be continued in the lower classes, but the lessons should treat of higher subjects, such as the various phenomena of nature, the properties of different kinds of matter, the structure and functions of the body, the nature of laws, government, &c. And in the higher classes they should commence with history, beginning with that of their own country; and when they are well informed in that, they should proceed to the history of other countries.* We think that the mode of reading and examining them in classes, as suggested for the PREPARATORY SCHOOL, will be found the best. It will be advisable for the teacher to examine them as to the meaning of any particular word in their lessons; and each class should be provided with dictionaries to refer to, so as to prepare themselves regarding the meaning of what they have read.**

* See the "History and Resources of the British Empire," the "History of the English Language and Literature," price 2s. each; the " Histories of Greece and Rome," 2s. 6d. each; and a variety of other excellent school-books, published by William and Robert Chambers, Edinburgh; and sold by W. S. Orr, and Co., London; and all booksellers.
**The "Etymological Dictionary," and "Student's Manual," by R. Harrison Black, LL.D., are works which should be found in every high school.

To practise them in writing and composition, the system of describing the objects, scenes, and events, they may observe in their walks with the teacher should be continued, and, in the school-room, such as the teacher may present to them for that purpose. They should also be instructed as regards force, clearness, and beauty of style, in their compositions; and the higher branches of English grammar.*

* See "Parker's Progressive Exercises on English Composition."

If, as we have suggested, they have been taught from infancy to describe the nature and qualities of such things as have been presented to their senses, they will have acquired a great facility of expression, and have much valuable information to impart. The next great object to be achieved, in order to render them useful in proportion to their knowledge, is to practise them in the art of expressing themselves correctly and coherently. Most persons possess powers of language which, if properly cultivated, would greatly extend their usefulness in society. We therefore suggest the following method for cultivating the art of oral expression:- The children being classified according to their ages or capacities, one in each class should be selected every day, to give an explanation of some object, or to deliver a short lecture on some subject which the teacher may select for him, before the members of his own class. Every pupil called upon to lecture, should have a day to prepare himself, and should select the subject he is best acquainted with. Suppose he be called upon to explain, the nature and use of copper - he will proceed to describe its nature in the ore, and in its pure state - its peculiarities, properties, and all he knows respecting its uses; and at the same time exhibit to them such specimens as the museum or laboratory will afford. After he has concluded, in order to test his knowledge, the members of the class should be encouraged to question him respecting any point in his discourse. The higher classes might be called upon to give a short account of some matter in history or science, or other subject they may be acquainted with. Their first attempts will doubtlessly be weak and disjointed, but as they proceed they will acquire confidence and facility, and at the same time will be acquiring a great deal of valuable knowledge. Having a day to prepare themselves, they will be able to collect their information and arrange their ideas; and as they will be subject to the examination of their class, under the encouraging eye of the teacher, they will strive to excel both in the delivery and knowledge of their subject.
For the purpose of instructing the higher classes still further in chemical or mechanical science, the teacher would do well to devote a portion of time, one or two evenings in the week, for giving lessons and performing such experiments in the laboratory as would not be healthy nor convenient to perform in the school-room in his ordinary lectures.* And some of the most skilful members of the association might be employed of an evening to instruct the biggest boys in the use and management of tools in the workshop.

* We would especially recommend to the teacher the mode adopted by Mr. Reid for teaching chemistry, &c., by which the children are instructed to perform all the experiments themselves.

The children should also be encouraged by their parents, at home, to make collections of books, drawings, prints, minerals, plants, or anything of an instructive or amusing character; as such pursuits will call forth habits of frugality, taste, order, and refinement, which all the precepts in the universe may fail to effect.
In the industrial and agricultural schools a similar system of education should be adopted for the orphan children of the association, excepting that in the Agricultural School a portion of their time should be devoted to the cultivating of the farm, and in the Industrial School to such manufactures or occupations as may be combined with it. We think that they should continue in these schools till the age of twelve or fourteen, and then that suitable masters should be provided for them.
Such is the general mode of education we would suggest for training up the rising generation in knowledge, morality, and the love of freedom.

_______________

In describing the numerous advantages likely to result from forming an association upon the plan suggested, we have deemed it a portion of our duty thus to direct the attention of our working-class brethren, in particular, to the great importance and necessity of education. But in putting forth our views on this branch of the subject in a plain and, as we conceive, a practical form, we do not imagine we have given birth to any new plans or originality of method. Seriously impressed with the evil to be apprehended from any state-moulding system of instruction, conducted by and for the interest of party, - and, moreover, perceiving the great and beneficial advantages likely to result from a just system of education, under the control of the whole people, we have been influenced to devise and promulgate what we conceive to be a means by which the evil may be avoided and the good gradually achieved. Being in a prison, we have found some difficulty in proceeding as far as we have, for the want of such books and facilities as our liberty would have enabled us to obtain; but, in all probability, if we were in the enjoyment of that inestimable blessing, the pressing demands of our families, and the active pursuits of life, would have so far engaged our attention, as to have prevented us from ever writing anything on the subject. In what we have written we may not have expressed ourselves as correctly and guardedly as the subject merits; but we trust that the liberality of our countrymen will lead them to excuse these defects in persons who have not had the advantages of a literary education, but who are nevertheless solicitous to arrest the attention of working-men who, like themselves, are desirous of obtaining better governors, wiser measures, and happier times than the present.

SPECIMENS OF LESSON CARDS

ON TRUTH

A truly intellectual man is distinguished by his earnest desire to know the truth of every proposition and opinion presented to his notice; and a truly moral man, by his resolves to pursue it at all risks, and to practice its dictates regardless of all consequences.
By such united efforts of intellect and moral principle has the progress of society been effected - have despotic cruelty, fanatic zeal, and superstitious frenzy been moderated; and by the continuation of such potent efforts will truth and justice eventually prevail over error and wrong.
    Unhappily, however, truth is slow in its progress; the cause of which is to be traced to the idleness, vanity, bigotry, and interest which prevent the generality of mankind from examining the opinions they entertain, as by such culpable neglect old errors are fostered, and new vices transmitted to posterity.
The opinions of men influence their actions; and while such as are founded on truth are generally the precursors of good and virtuous actions, opinions which are founded on error are mostly the parents of evil. The man, therefore, who honestly investigates the opinions he holds, discharges a great moral duty to society; while he who receives without examination and believes without inquiry, is guilty of a moral offence.
    But if to hold opinions ourselves, without investigating the evidence on which they rest, be so far immoral, how much more so is it to instill such opinions into others - which, whether true or false, beneficial or mischievous, we have never taken the trouble to inquire!
    And yet this is not only daily done among every class and grade of society, but we too often see the influence of persecution and the rod of power brought in to enforce their unexamined crudities and presumptuous zeal.
    Had such persons been accustomed to examine their own opinions, they would not fail to perceive that the evidence of truth is  irresistible, and that reason is far more efficient than persecution to convey conviction.
In order to arrive at the truth of any opinions we entertain, two essentials are necessary: one is to "be industrious in collecting all the evidence we can obtain on which our opinions rest;" and the other, to "examine it carefully, when collected, without being influenced by interest, party, or prejudice, to incline to the one side more than to the other."
    When a man bestows such pains to arrive at truth, he will find his opinions will stand the test of investigation, his intellect will be strengthened, his moral principle invigorated, his means of usefulness increased, and his sympathies extended towards the whole human family.

GEOLOGY

Whenever we dig through the vegetable or surface soil which covers our globe, we come to other substances; such as clay, sand, pebbles, chalk, and rocks of different descriptions.
The science of geology teaches us that these substances are not promiscuously blended together to form the globe, but are arranged in layers, one above another, all around it, like the different coatings which form an onion, though it seldom happens that they are found so regularly disposed.
    For though they appear to have been originally deposited in regular horizontal layers, (or strata, as they are called by geologists,) the volcanoes, earthquakes, and other convulsions of nature, have since greatly changed their position.
In some places we find these strata so pushed upward as to form hills, at other places so sunk downward as to form valleys, at others so lifted up and broken that their ends are seen on the surface; and sometimes the lava, or melted rocks from the volcanoes, has been forced up through the different strata, so as to form the highest mountains above them.
   These strata are composed of different substances; some of sand, as sandstone; some of trees and vegetables, as coal; and some of shells and other marine productions, as limestone; these seem to have been gradually deposited in the bottom of seas and lakes which formerly covered the earth, and in the lapse of ages have either been converted into stone, or into the substances as we now find them.
    The proofs that they are so composed, and have been so deposited, are numerous; for instance, some of the highest hills are found to be composed of different strata of rocks, in which the remains of fishes, shells, corals, and other marine productions are embedded, which must have been deposited there when the substance which forms the rocks was in a muddy, granular, or fluid state.
If these animal remains, instead of being gradually deposited by the sea, had been washed there by it, we should find them deposited against the sides of the hills; and should also find the heaviest materials at the bottom, in a confused and mixed state; - instead of which, we find them in layers running through the body of the hill, and some of the angles of the shells are as well preserved as if they had lived and died on the spot.
    Those rocks which have been deposited in layers, or strata, are called stratified rocks; and those which have been forced up through them in a melted state, are called unstratified rocks, such as granite, whinstone, and basalt.
    The stratified rocks are very numerous, and are divided by geologists into three great divisions, called the transition, secondary,  and tertiary formations.
On examining the animal or vegetable remains (or fossils, as they are called) contained in these different rocks, they find additional proofs for believing that what is now land was once seas and lakes, and that great changes of climate must have taken place on the surface of the globe.
It is also found that race after race of animals has existed and disappeared from the earth, some of them of gigantic and wonderful forms. The remains of some that have been found show that they must have been nearly a hundred feet long, and some so large that the socket of the eye measures fourteen inches and a half in its diameter.
    But among all these fossil remains, those of human beings are not found, proving that hundreds of thousands of years must have elapsed, and the earth been occupied with one race of animals after another, before man made his appearance on the surface of the globe.

MINERALOGY &C.

The science of mineralogy teaches the nature and peculiarities of rocks, stones, and metals, though it is sometimes divided into lithology, or the study of earths and stones, and metallurgy, or the study of metallic substances.
    The metals are the heaviest bodies in nature. They melt, and for the most part acquire lustre, by the action of fire: those that are malleable, or will spread out under the hammer – and ductile, or will bear to be drawn into wire, are the most valuable. There are forty-two different kinds of them, the most useful of which are gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, iron, zinc, mercury, bismuth, cobalt, manganese, platinum, and antimony.
    Gold is always found pure; silver and copper are occasionally, but are more generally blended with other substances, as are all the other metals. When any metal is found pure, it is said to be in its native state, as "native gold or silver;" but otherwise it is called ore, as "copper or iron ore."
    The metals are generally discovered in the oldest rocks, such as the primary formations; in which are also found the gems, or precious stones, such as the diamond, ruby, garnet, topaz, emerald, amethyst, &c.
   The metallic ores are found embedded in fissures, or cracks of the rocks, called lodes; they vary in length from a few yards to several hundreds, and in width from a few inches to several feet, and run to an immense depth.
    There are great difficulties in getting the ore out of these lodes; - first, on account of the hardness of the rock; and second, on account of the springs of water which are mostly found in it.
To get rid of the water, they sink a very deep well, or shaft, into which the water is drained, and pumped up by means of the steam-engine.
    They force their way down through the rock by boring it, and blowing it up with gunpowder, the force of which shivers the rock for some distance, which they then break through by means of their picks, large hammers, and iron wedges. They not only proceed downwards in this manner through the lode, but they work their way through it horizontally. The upright pits are called shafts, and the horizontal cavities adits.
    The ore which they find is broken into small pieces, and drawn up in large iron buckets by means of machinery; after which, it goes through different processes, called dressing, and eventually is sent to smelting-furnaces, to be purified by fire.
    Those shafts and arrangements for getting the ore are called mines; the persons employed in the works are called miners; and the operation is called mining.

THE STOMACH *

* The facts in these physiological lessons are principally derived from "The Philosophy of Health," by Dr. Southwood Smith; from "Physiology" and "Dietetics," by Dr. Combe; and from Dr. A. Brigham, on "Mental Cultivation."

When the food is masticated, or chewed, it passes into the stomach, to undergo a process called digestion.
The stomach is an oval-shaped, muscular bag, with an opening at each end; the one called the cardiac orifice, where the food enters, and the other, the pylorus, by which the food passes into the body when digested.
It is formed of two strong layers, or fibrous membranes, one above the other, and is lined with what is called the mucous coat.*

*Mucous--the tongue and nostrils are covered with mucous coats.

In the outside membrane the fibres run lengthway of the stomach, and in the middle one they run round it; so that, when they contract, they give to the stomach a worm-like motion, by which the food is kept in agitation till it is digested.
    The lining of the stomach has a velvety appearance, of a pale pink colour; it is gathered up into folds, and wrinkled so as to grasp the food; and, when in a healthy state, is continually secreting a mucous fluid,- to soften and keep it in order.
    The stomach is also covered with a great number of blood-vessels and nerves, which pass through it in all directions.
In the lining of the stomach there are also a vast number of very minute vessels, which secrete the gastric, or stomach juice; which is a transparent fluid, of such a digestible, or solvent nature, as readily to convert all kinds of solid food into chyme.*  The sensation of hunger is occasioned by these vessels becoming over filled. When there is no food in the stomach, it is collapsed and inactive; but as soon as food enters it, it begins at once to be excited, the blood rushes towards it with great force, the gastric vessels begin to secrete their juice, which mixes with the food when swallowed, and the muscles of the stomach set it in active motion till digestion is completed.

*Chyme - a soft, pappy-like state.

When water or ardent spirits are taken into the stomach, they are not digested, but are immediately absorbed by the innumerable small vessels which everywhere cover its surface.
There is only a limited quantity of gastric juice secreted - more or less, according to the health of the individual; and if more food be taken than there is juice to mix with, it will lie in the stomach undigested, till nature recruits her powers to supply more.
The stomachs of adults will contain about three pints.

THE INTESTINES, LIVER, PANCREAS, AND OTHER DIGESTIVE ORGANS

When the food is digested in the stomach, and converted into chyme, it has to go through other changes, before it enters the blood, and gives nourishment to the body.
As soon as it passes out of the stomach, in the state of chyme, it enters the upper end of the intestines, or bowels, which is called the duodenum, from its length being the breadth of twelve fingers.
    When in the duodenum, it undergoes a kind of second digestion, by the movements of that organ, and by being intimately mixed up with the bile, pancreatic juice, and a juice secreted by the duodenum itself; by which process it is converted into two substances - one a white fluid, called chyle, and the other a yellow pulp, which finally becomes excrement.
     The bile is a bitter, greenish fluid, secreted by a large gland, called the liver, which weighs about four pounds. It is from the venous blood passing through ramifications of the liver, that the bile is secreted, and, when secreted, is contained in the gall-bladder till wanted.
The pancreatic juice is a peculiar fluid, something in appearance like saliva, and is secreted from an oblong gland, called the pancreas, or sweetbread; - one end of it is attached to the duodenum, and the other to the spleen.
    Whenever there is any chyme in the duodenum, both these glands pour their juices into it, drop by drop, by means of two small pipes, or ducts.
    When the food is thus converted into chyle, it passes into other portions of the intestines; first into the jejunum, and then into the ilium.
    The intestines have three coatings, similar to the stomach, and, when active, the same worm-like motion. They have also, like it, their veins, arteries, nerves, and mucous ducts; and, in addition to these, are provided with a vast number of minute, absorbent vessels, called lacteals.
These lacteals absorb the chyle in its progress through the before-named portions of the intestines, having their mouths, or openings, within the intestines, and being connected with vessels on their surface.
After its absorption by the lacteals, it is conveyed to the mesenteric glands, then into the receptacle of the chyle, then to the lymphatic vessels, and then into the thoracic duct, by which it is conveyed up through the body, and into the jugular vein, and thence to the heart.
    The intestines are about four times the length of the body; a portion of them are disposed in folds, and attached to the spine by a membrane called the mesentery; different portions of them are distinguished by different names, such as the duodenum, the jejunum, the ilium, corcum, colon, and rectum.

THE BRAIN

The brain is a soft, medullary* substance, which completely fills the cavity of the skull, and is joined to the spinal chord, or marrow, which runs down the back bone.

*MEDULLARY - pertaining to marrow.

From the forehead to the back of the head there is extended a thin, stiff membrane, in shape like a scythe, which separates the brain for a great depth into two equal parts, called the right and left hemispheres of the brain.
It is also partially divided into an upper and lower brain; the upper part, which is by far the largest, is called the cerebrum, or proper brain; and the lower portion, the cerebellum, or little brain.
It is again divided into the front, back, and middle lobes of the brain; but those divisions are not so distinctly marked.
The brain is composed principally of a variety of winding cords, called convolutions, which vary in size in different persons.
Adhering to and filling up the space between those convolutions, there is a membrane of a finer texture, filled with blood-vessels, called the pia-mater; and, between these, another very thin covering, called the arachnoid* membrane.

*ARACHNOID - like a spider's web.

Proceeding from the bottom of the brain are various nerves of sensation and motion; some going to the organs of sense, and others to the skin and muscles of the head and face; - the nerves which supply the body and the extremities chiefly proceed from the spinal chord.
    The brain is the seat of our thoughts, feelings, and consciousness; and any injury done to it, either by disease or a blow, very soon affects the mental powers.
    The organs of the intellectual powers are said to be situated in the front, the moral faculties in the middle, and the animal feelings in the back lobes of the brain; - and in proportion as these organs are properly exercised will they increase in bulk and power; but if not, they will shrink, and lose their efficiency.
In infancy the brain grows more rapidly than any other organ, but all its parts are not properly formed till about the age of seven years.
    The brain of an infant weighs about ten ounces; of an adult, about three pounds and a half; and, in some instances, when persons have studied very much, from four to four pounds and a half; - the brain of Cuvier weighed four pounds thirteen ounces and a half.

THE CIRCULATION OF THE BLOOD

  The blood is the great nourishing and sustaining principle of life; - as soon as it becomes impure, it generates disease; and as soon as it ceases to flow through the heart, life becomes extinct.
     The whole mass of blood in an adult person is about twenty-eight pounds, which is forced, by means of the heart, through every portion of the body in about every two minutes and a half; so that about seven hundred pounds of blood pass through the heart every hour.
     The heart is a strong, elastic muscle, the inside of which is divided into four compartments; the upper are called the right and left auricles, and the lower, the right and left ventricles.
     The auricles and ventricles contract alternately four thousand times every hour, and at every contraction propel two ounces of blood through the different parts of the body.
    The blood is circulated to and from every part of the body by means of two distinct sets of blood vessels, all connected with the heart; - the one set called arteries, because they convey the bright, arterial, or pure blood; and the other called veins, because they convey the venous, or impure, dark blood.
    The great artery through which the pure blood is conveyed is called the aorta, and in its course from the heart it sends out different branches, like a tree; those branches send out still smaller ones, till at last they become so numerous and minute that you cannot prick the body anywhere with a pin, but you will chance to puncture some of them.
    This pure blood is continually nourishing the body and repairing the waste that is going on in different parts of it; and, what is surpassingly wonderful, the same material builds up and repairs muscle, bone, fat, tendon, brain, and every different substance of the human frame.
    But in this circulating and repairing it loses its healthly qualities, changes its colour, and becomes dark, or what is called venous blood; and in order to purify it again, pure air is essential, and the lungs are the organs provided, in which it is purified by the action of the air.
    And in order to convey it to the lungs, after it has performed its healthy purposes, the veins are provided, which are branched out all over the body, like the arteries.
    When, therefore, the pure blood becomes venous, it enters the extremest branches of the veins, and from these into larger and larger branches, till at last it empties itself into two large veins, called the superior and inferior vena cava, and by them is emptied into the heart.
    From the heart it is forced into the lungs through the pulmonary arteries; when it is purified in the lungs, it goes back to the heart through four pulmonary veins, and then, by the contraction of the heart, is again forced by the great aorta to the different parts of the body; and so the circulation proceeds.
    The particles of the blood are round and flat, and it is forced by the heart through the body with a force equal to about sixty pounds.

THE LUNGS

The LUNGS are two light, spongy bodies, situated on each side of the chest, which, with the heart, completely fill it; they chiefly consist of small tubes, air cells, blood vessels, nerves, and membranes.
    The windpipe is the vessel that conveys the air to the lungs; but, previous to entering them, it separates into tree branches, one branch entering the right lung, and the other the left.
    These branches of the windpipe spread out, like a tree, into other branches throughout each lung, till at last they terminate in an innumerable number of small cells: the branches of the windpipe are called bronchial tubes, and the cells in which they terminate are called air vesicles.
    These air vesicles of the lungs are so constructed that the blood shall be spread out to be purified over the greatest amount of surface; and unitedly they furnish a surface of twenty thousand square inches.
    The venous or impure blood is forced into the lungs through the pulmonary arteries, and the purified blood is conveyed back to the heart through the pulmonary veins.*

* These are named quite the reverse of other veins and arteries of the body, as the pulmonary artery conveys venous blood; but this anomaly is accounted for by their conveying blood to and from the heart, as the other arteries and veins do.

  The pulmonary artery, on leaving the heart, separates into two branches, one entering the right, and the other the left lung; each of these branches is spread out into smaller and smaller branches, till at last they terminate , in the lungs in a complete net-work of arteries.
    The instant a person inspires, or draws the air into his lungs, the heart forces out a stream of venous blood (through the pulmonary artery) into the lungs to be purified; and the instant it meets the pure air, it is converted into pure blood by the chemical action of the air.
    The next instant of expiration, or forcing the air out of the lungs, the blood so purified is conveyed back to the heart (through the   pulmonary veins); but in coming back, it runs first into the minutest branches, and these empty themselves into branches still larger, till it is finally emptied by the large veins into the heart.
A person breathes from fourteen to twenty times in a minute; a man draws into his lungs at each inspiration from six to ten pints of air, and a woman from two to four pints.
The motions of inspiration and expiration are occasioned by the mechanism and action of the thorax (or chest) and the diaphragm, or membrane which separates the chest from the abdomen.
    The air which is breathed out of the lungs is vitiated and impure, as it has imparted its vital properties to the blood, and brings out with it great impurities from the lungs; hence the great evils occasioned to the constitution from breathing in close and badly ventilated rooms.
    The lungs are also great absorbents, and will readily admit into the blood any noxious vapour or effluvia; and hence the ill effects which often arise from breathing the fumes of turpentine, tobacco, and the flocoli and vapours of close factories and workshops.

RIGHTS

Man, in a savage state, thinks it right to pursue his inclinations and indulge his propensities, regardless of the welfare of others;  and all ignorant and immoral men think and act in much the same way as the savage.
    But all cultivated and rational men perceive that such selfish and ignorant conduct produces continual violence and dissensions in society, and therefore they condemn it as wrong.
    They find, by experience, that mutual forbearance, sympathy, and kindness, form the strongest bond of union between man and man; and therefore they define right to be reciprocal justice, or such conduct as shall best promote our happiness individually  and collectively.
    Though they see this great moral principle of right daily violated among almost every class of men, for want of proper intellectual  and moral training, they feel certain that, as men approach to civilization, will all their laws and institutions be based upon it.
    The rights of individuals may be classed as PERSONAL, SOCIAL, and POLITICAL.
    The PERSONAL RIGHTS of man are, first, his right to share equally in the common patrimony of heaven to all mankind - the earth, air, and the waters, from which all must derive their sustenance; second, his right to personal freedom, no man having a right to enslave him.
    But though these rights clearly belong to every individual, upon our recognised principles of justice, they can only be secured to him by the arrangements of society; for in a state of nature, or in the absence of all law, one man's rightful possessions are violated to-day, and become a stronger man's property to-morrow.
The SOCIAL RIGHTS of man, or those which he derives from society, are, first, a right to have his personal or natural rights secured to him - second, a right to have the fruits of his intellectual or bodily labour protected - third, a right to have his person secured as much as possible against the attacks or violence of others - fourth, the right of private judgment in all matters of religion - fifth, a right to be properly educated, in order that he may understand and share in all the benefits of society.
But to secure to him these social rights, laws must necessarily be made and executed; and this leads to the establishment of a legislative and executive power, or a political government.
    The POLITICAL RIGHTS of man are, first, a right, as a member of society, of having his person and property secured; to determine, in conjunction with his fellow-men, how these laws shall be framed, and by what power they shall be carried into execution - second, to unite with them in investing the government they may appoint with full powers to enforce obedience to the laws, and to obtain from every man his just share of the national expenditure - third, a right to the freedom of speech, the liberty of the press, and of public meeting, so as to influence his brethren in favour of any measure which he conceives to be an improvement in the arrangements of society or the institutions of government.

DUTIES

Every person who seeks to secure and enjoy his own rights is bound, on every principle of justice, to assist in securing and affording similar benefits to others;--this constitutes his social and political duties.
Every person, being immediately or remotely connected with and, dependent on the whole human family, should "do unto all men as he would wish that they should to do unto him;" – this constitutes his moral duty.
Independent of the reciprocal benefits to be obtained by the observance of these duties, nature has so wisely organized human beings, that, when their moral faculties are properly educated, they can enjoy no higher pleasures than those to be derived from the proper discharge of their duties.
A great number of distinct and specific duties are comprised under the two general heads referred to - the following are among the most important examples.
As a member of society, it is a man’s duty conscientiously to obey the laws - the solemn egression of the public will for promoting peace, order, and security; and to revere all those appointed to administer and enforce them.
It is also every man's duty to labour bodily and mentally, according to his abilities; seeing that no idle man can be supported in society, but by throwing additional labour, on others.
It is the duty of every father of a family to be frugal, temperate, and industrious, so as to be able to provide them with comfortable subsistence, and the means of proper education; and, by his prudent counsel and moral example, teach them to become useful members of society.
It is every man's duty to deal justly, act honestly, and speak truly, in every condition, state, or calling he may be placed in.
As every man's life and possessions depend on wise laws and just government, it is every man's duty to make himself acquainted with the social and political institutions of his country; and to make any sacrifice that may be necessary, in his endeavours to purify them from corruption, and to base them upon the principles of justice.
It is the duty of every man to embrace every possible means for the acquisition of knowledge; and seeing that the want of proper education occasions so much social misery and political vice, it is his duty to assist in affording the means of proper education to every member of the community.
Ignorance and selfishness may lead men to neglect these several important duties, but they cannot long remain neglectful of them, without suffering in some way the penalty of such neglect.

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Watson, Printer, 15, City Road, Finsbury.

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