BULL RING RIOTS & IMPRISONMENT
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CHARTIST CONVENTION MOVES TO BIRMINGHAM, ENGLAND
The events leading up to the Bull Ring Riots in Birmingham, England and the arrest and imprisonment of John Collins, began when the General Convention of the Industrious Classes transferred from London to Birmingham on 13th May 1839.
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In the first quarter of 1839, the General Convention of the Industrious Classes - attended by 53 formally elected Chartist Delegates from all over the country - assembled in London. Its purpose was to manage and present to Parliament a massive nationwide petition calling for political reform. John Collins, the well-known Birmingham radical and leading spokesman for the Birmingham Political Union was among the Delegates attending the Convention.
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Within a few days of its arrival in Birmingham, the Convention adjourned on 17th May so that John Collins and the other Delegates could attend a programme of Chartist meetings and speaking engagements all over the country. Collins went to Scotland, where he was already a well-known reform speaker, later returning to Birmingham in time for the Convention to reconvene on 1st July .. ..
Ban on Public Meetings in the Bull Ring
Meanwhile, on 8th May, the Birmingham authorities - having grown increasingly fearful of its citizens' rising social and political unrest, together with shopkeepers' complaints that the crowds gathering in the Bull Ring were affecting business - proclaimed a ban on public meetings in the Bull Ring and elsewhere in the town .
Meanwhile, on 8th May, the Birmingham authorities - having grown increasingly fearful of its citizens' rising social and political unrest, together with shopkeepers' complaints that the crowds gathering in the Bull Ring were affecting business - proclaimed a ban on public meetings in the Bull Ring and elsewhere in the town .
Boot Shop
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Haberdasher
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Auctioneers
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Tea & Coffee Dealer
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Wine Merchant
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Shopkeepers In the High Street and the Bull Ring [Trade Card Images: ©Birmingham Museums Trust ] Click on any image to enlarge it.
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However, since the time of the 1832 Reform Bill, the Bull Ring had been the traditional open-air meeting place in Birmingham.
With the onset of Chartism, the townspeople gathered in their thousands around Nelsons Monument in the Bull Ring to hear speakers on parliamentary reform or, in the case of the illiterate, to hear the local newspaper being read. They wanted to know what was happening at the General Convention, and especially what progress was being made with the National Petition calling for electoral reform. The people considered it their accepted right to congregate, and consequently the ban on public meetings carried little weight! Additionally, the absence of the well-respected, non-violent John Collins who was in London and subsequently Scotland, together with the demise of the Birmingham Political Union under its equally non-violent middle class oligarchy, left the town exposed to the hell-raising speeches of a growing number of working class militants and the physical force devotee Feargus O'Connor. |
8 May 1839 - The Chartists - Birmingham - Proclamation forbidding meetings in the Bull Ring.
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REIGN OF TERROR - LEADING UP TO THE BIRMINGHAM RIOTS
Panorama of Bull Street, Birmingham in 1840 [Birmingham & Birmingham Men, E Edwards 1877]
"People were afraid to venture out after nightfall. On Friday, the 29th of June, [1839] the Mayor, Mr. William Scholefield, met the mob, and in a short and friendly speech tried to induce them to disperse, promising them, if they would refrain from meeting in the streets, they should have the use of the Town Hall once a week for their meetings. This proposal was received with shouts of derision, and the mob, by this time greatly increased in numbers, marched noisily through New Street, Colmore Row, Bull Street (panorama above), and High Street, to the Bull Ring.
"On the following Monday, July 1st, there was a large crowd in the Bull Ring, where Mr. Feargus O'Connor addressed them, and advised an adjournment to Gosta Green, to which place they accordingly marched, and O'Connor made a violent speech. In the meantime the troops were ordered out, and a large body of pensioners, fully armed, were marched into the Bull Ring. Finding no one there, the Mayor ordered the troops back to the barracks, and the pensioners were dismissed. After the meeting at Gosta Green was over, the people marched with tremendous cheering back to the Bull Ring. They met again on Tuesday and Wednesday evenings, but no mischief, beyond a few broken windows, was done. On Thursday evening [4th July] about eight o'clock, the mob was in great force in the accustomed spot, with flags, banners, and other insignia freely displayed. Suddenly, without a word of notice, a large body of London police, which had arrived by train, came out of Moor Street and rushed directly at the mob."
[E Edwards 1887 - Birmingham & Birmingham Men]
"On the following Monday, July 1st, there was a large crowd in the Bull Ring, where Mr. Feargus O'Connor addressed them, and advised an adjournment to Gosta Green, to which place they accordingly marched, and O'Connor made a violent speech. In the meantime the troops were ordered out, and a large body of pensioners, fully armed, were marched into the Bull Ring. Finding no one there, the Mayor ordered the troops back to the barracks, and the pensioners were dismissed. After the meeting at Gosta Green was over, the people marched with tremendous cheering back to the Bull Ring. They met again on Tuesday and Wednesday evenings, but no mischief, beyond a few broken windows, was done. On Thursday evening [4th July] about eight o'clock, the mob was in great force in the accustomed spot, with flags, banners, and other insignia freely displayed. Suddenly, without a word of notice, a large body of London police, which had arrived by train, came out of Moor Street and rushed directly at the mob."
[E Edwards 1887 - Birmingham & Birmingham Men]
BULL RING RIOT OF 4TH JULY 1839
The Bull Ring 1830 - David Cox.
The silhouette of Nelson's Statue (erected 1809) can be seen in front of St Martin's.
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The Birmingham authorities had asked London for police support to enforce the ban on public meetings. At that time Birmingham did not have its own official police force, and Lord John Russell, the Home Secretary, provoked the masses when he offered government aid, including arms, to any town or village to help put down any signs of rebellion.
So when a large crowd met in the Bull Ring on the evening of Thursday 4th July 1839 the Birmingham magistrates ordered a newly arrived detachment of 60 London police (Hansard HC Deb 09 July 1839 vol 49 cc85-8) to break up the meeting. Armed with truncheons the police charged right in and indiscriminately assaulted unsuspecting men, women and children. What had begun as a gathering to hear speakers and the latest news rapidly turned into an all-out riot. |
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Nor did it help the situation that relations between the public and the police had soured since May of that year when locally sworn-in constables entered houses in Birmingham in search of Chartists, and without proper warrants seized private correspondence. (London Standard 18 May 1839.)
The arrival of the military in the form of the 4th Irish Dragoons and a Rifle Brigade restored law and order to the Bull Ring, but the damage was done and thus the scene was set for the arrest of John Collins (Birmingham Chartist), William Lovett (London Chartist), and many others. |
Chartists' Riots - True Stories by Cornelius Brown -
Sketches and Events During the Victorian Era
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THE CHARTISTS PROTEST POLICE BRUTALITY ON 5TH JULY 1839
The half timbered building on the far left is The Golden Lion Inn, as it was originally located on Aston Street, Deritend, Birmingham near St John's Chapel.
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The following morning (Friday 5th July) the Convention, attended by Delegates and outraged members of the public, held a protest meeting, chaired by John Collins, at the Golden Lion Inn in Aston Street, Deritend. Like many public houses of the time, it was used for meetings as well as drinking!
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The meeting passed three Resolutions drawn up by William Lovett (secretary) and John Collins (chairman) [Lang, A Century of Birmingham Life] damming the actions of London police as brutal and bloody.
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The Three Resolutions
“1. That this Convention is of opinion that a wanton, flagrant, and unjust outrage has been made upon the people of Birmingham by a blood thirsty and unconstitutional force from London, acting under the authority of men who, when out of office, sanctioned and took part in the meetings of the people, and now, when they share in the public plunder, seek to keep people in social slavery and political degradation. “2. That the people of Birmingham are the best judges of their own right to meet in the Bull-ring or elsewhere, have their own feelings to consult respecting the outrage given, and are the best judges of their own power and resources to obtain justice. “3. That the summary and despotic arrest of Dr. Taylor, our respected colleague, affords another convincing proof of the absence of all justice in England, and clearly shows that there is no security for life, liberty or property, till the people have some control over the laws they are called upon to obey.” |
Published on August 26th 1839, this is a pen and ink sketch by Richard Doyle, a young English boy. It shows London police attacking people attending a peaceful rally in the Bull Ring, Birmingham on July 4th that year. The police are wearing Peel's top hat and double buttoned, swallow tailed uniform. [Image: Library of Congress]
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Temple Street area of Birmingham. Showing New Hall Lane later Ann Street, later Colmore Row. To see a larger map click on the following link:
The Plan of Birmingham 1731 by Westley. |
In an act of courage on the part of John Collins -- who surely knew the local authorities would seek retribution on those who censured the police and the authorities, and thus encouraged further unrest -- Collins (Not James Watson - as erroneously written in other places) took the Resolutions to Charles Watson's print shop on Temple Street.
There he ordered 500 copies of the Resolutions to be printed, and arranged for people employed as "Bill-Stickers" to post copies of the Resolutions in various parts of the town. As a result both Collins and Lovett (who signed the Resolutions) were arrested on 6th July and charged with seditious libel, and held on remand for 9 days. |
APPREHENDED AND CHARGED - SATURDAY 6TH JULY 1839
"Mr Bolton, town constable, accompanied by police constable John Palmer and others, entered the Convention Hall, where Mr. William Lovett and other Delegates were examining witnesses regarding the late attack (which had taken place Thursday 4th July) by the police on the people. Mr. Bolton handed to Mr. Lovett the warrant for his arrest, which the latter read aloud.
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"There were but a few persons present, who commenced groaning, and showed some indications of an attack on the police; but the delegates immediately interfered, and, with Mr. Lovett, insisted that the officers should not be interrupted in the discharge of their duty. Mr. Lovett then accompanied Mr Bolton to the Police-office (at Moore Street). Shortly after Mr. Collins was brought in. It appears that Mr. Collins, having heard that a warrant was out against him, surrendered himself to Mr. Bolton.
"At nine o clock Messrs. Lovett and Collins were taken before the recorder (Mr Hill) at Birmingham, Messrs. Clarke, P H Muntz, C. Shaw, F. Clarke, and W. Chance, the latter was chairman. After a lengthy investigation the chairman stated that there was sufficient evidence against them, and that they were committed for trial at the next assizes. Bail for their appearance would be accepted, £500 themselves and two sureties of £250 each, (total £1,000 forty-eight hours notice being required.)" |
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"Messrs. Lovett and Collins protested against the amount as excessive for working men, whose wages did not exceed thirty shillings a week. The chairman said that the bench had weighed the matter well, and would not lessen the amount."
The Era - Sunday 7 July 1839
The Era - Sunday 7 July 1839
GROSS MISTREATMENT WHILST HELD ON BAIL IN WARWICK GAOL
Following their arrest, on Saturday 6th July, Collins and Lovett spent the night in Moore Street Prison. At four o'clock the next morning Collins and Lovett - together with 13 other prisoners - were transferred by carriage, under heavy guard, from Moore Street Prison to Warwick County Gaol.
Moor Street Public Offices and Prison, Birmingham, England.
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Moor Street Public Office & Prison
"These buildings are placed in a confined situation in Moor-street. They were erected at a heavy expense in the year 1806, and are substantially built, with an ornamental front elevation of stone. The first division of the building contains the Public-office, the upper floor of which is occupied by the magistrates, who hold their meetings here every Monday and Thursday morning. The ground floor is appropriated chiefly to the commissioners of the street act. Behind the public-office, but separated by a court yard, is the prison keeper's house, with the prison in the rear. The latter is well adapted to its purpose, clean, and as airy as the situation will allow; and subdivided, so that the male and female prisoners are kept apart.” New & Compendious History of the Court of Warwick by Wm Smith |
Rude Awakening at Warwick Gaol
On arrival at Warwick Gaol, Collins and Lovett were stripped stark naked in front of gaolers and made to stand in that condition while being (as the magistrates put it) "inspected minutely" for the purpose of identity "in case they escaped." The two men were subsequently required to bathe in the same cold, dirty water as several other filthy prisoners, and dry themselves as best they could on one towel. (The magistrates side-stepped this atrocity by saying it was necessary for all prisoners to bathe because many came in a filthy, vermin ridden condition from other prisons and lock-ups). The furniture in Collins' and Lovett's cell consisted an iron bed, wooden pillow and straw mattress, and the men were not allowed to wear their boots on the cold brick floor. Both Collins and Lovett were restricted to 3d (three pence) a day of their own money to supplement a meagre prison diet that included gruel and a disgusting and unpalatable soup with "slimy, stringy particles." When the men were allowed to purchase bacon and eggs, these had to be eaten raw! Every day, they were forced to endure the indignity of standing to attention, cap-in-hand, before curious visitors to the gaol. All this, and they had yet to stand trial or be found guilty.
Click here to read Lovett and Collins' petition to the government regarding their frightful treatment while on remand in Warwick Gaol pending bail.
In spite of the exorbitant amount (£1,000 for each man) set for bail, it was quickly raised for John Collins through a friends’ fund. However, on three separate occasions [Aris's Birmingham Gazette, 15 July 1839] the magistrates rejected bail or postponed making a decision without reasonable explanation, and Collins was unnecessarily detained in gaol for nine days. Later, when two politicians, Mr JS Leader a Westminster MP and Sir William Molesworth stood bail for Lovett the magistrates accepted that offer, as well as a previous offer for Collins. On July 15th (10 days after their arrest) both men were released to a welcoming crowd (History of the Chartist Movement p 136) that included Collins’ brother and friends ( Life and Struggles of William Lovett in His Pursuit of Bread).
On arrival at Warwick Gaol, Collins and Lovett were stripped stark naked in front of gaolers and made to stand in that condition while being (as the magistrates put it) "inspected minutely" for the purpose of identity "in case they escaped." The two men were subsequently required to bathe in the same cold, dirty water as several other filthy prisoners, and dry themselves as best they could on one towel. (The magistrates side-stepped this atrocity by saying it was necessary for all prisoners to bathe because many came in a filthy, vermin ridden condition from other prisons and lock-ups). The furniture in Collins' and Lovett's cell consisted an iron bed, wooden pillow and straw mattress, and the men were not allowed to wear their boots on the cold brick floor. Both Collins and Lovett were restricted to 3d (three pence) a day of their own money to supplement a meagre prison diet that included gruel and a disgusting and unpalatable soup with "slimy, stringy particles." When the men were allowed to purchase bacon and eggs, these had to be eaten raw! Every day, they were forced to endure the indignity of standing to attention, cap-in-hand, before curious visitors to the gaol. All this, and they had yet to stand trial or be found guilty.
Click here to read Lovett and Collins' petition to the government regarding their frightful treatment while on remand in Warwick Gaol pending bail.
In spite of the exorbitant amount (£1,000 for each man) set for bail, it was quickly raised for John Collins through a friends’ fund. However, on three separate occasions [Aris's Birmingham Gazette, 15 July 1839] the magistrates rejected bail or postponed making a decision without reasonable explanation, and Collins was unnecessarily detained in gaol for nine days. Later, when two politicians, Mr JS Leader a Westminster MP and Sir William Molesworth stood bail for Lovett the magistrates accepted that offer, as well as a previous offer for Collins. On July 15th (10 days after their arrest) both men were released to a welcoming crowd (History of the Chartist Movement p 136) that included Collins’ brother and friends ( Life and Struggles of William Lovett in His Pursuit of Bread).
ANOTHER NIGHT OF RIOTING IN THE BULL RING
Birmingham Rioters Attack Firemen. 15th July 1839.
(Newgate Calendar)
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In anticipation of Collins and Lovett being released from gaol on July 15th a throng of about a 1,000 (Newgate Calendar) had gathered on the Warwick Road. However when the two men failed to arrive the crowd headed for the Bull Ring where the situation erupted into another round of rioting and violence, during which property was burnt and destroyed.
The destruction went on until the fire engines arrived and the Dragoons, swords drawn, galloped into the fray. Some ladies had to be rescued by ladder from upper windows.
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Luckily, John Collins' brother and friends warned the two men of possible trouble from the crowd waiting for their entry into Birmingham. As a result Collins, Lovett and their entourage took a roundabout route going several miles out of their way to enter Birmingham, and thus avoided the ensuing riot and being blamed for it by the authorities.
As it turned out Collins and Lovett were more or less blamed for the second riot anyway! During their trial, weapons supposedly used during the riot on the 15th were brought into the courtroom and used to influence the jury. As Collins would later say, they were arrested for one riot, and sentenced for another! For House of Lords debate (16 July 1839) on the Riots at Birmingham click on the following link: Hansard Official Report.
As it turned out Collins and Lovett were more or less blamed for the second riot anyway! During their trial, weapons supposedly used during the riot on the 15th were brought into the courtroom and used to influence the jury. As Collins would later say, they were arrested for one riot, and sentenced for another! For House of Lords debate (16 July 1839) on the Riots at Birmingham click on the following link: Hansard Official Report.
TRIAL OF JOHN COLLINS & WILLIAM LOVETT
Such was the injustice John Collins suffered at the hands of the various public officials. And that was only the beginning. When he and Lovett were put on trial at Warwick Assizes, on August 6 & 7 respectively, they came before a jury made up of two men who were known to have expressed a death wish on all chartist. (Excerpt from The Trial of William Lovett)
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The Indictment - A Wicked & Seditious Person
Read out at Collins' trial, the indictment stated that .... "there had been an unlawful assembly called together in the town of Birmingham on the 4th of July, and that George Masters and John Hugh Sweeting, being officers of the London Metropolitan Police, and being duly sworn in as special constables did, by order of the magistrates, remove such unlawful assembly; and then it alleged that John Collins, being a wicked, seditious, and disaffected person, and endeavouring to bring into hatred and contempt the police force, and to excite tumults amongst the Queen's subjects, did cause to be written and published a certain false, scandalous, and malicious libel on the police and the administration, which were the resolutions of the National Convention." |
Collins was defended by a lawyer by the name of Mr Sergeant Gilbourn, and Lovett conducted his own defence. Evidence was given that the original idea for the Convention may have come from one of the very magistrates who had committed the two men for trial. The judge and jury, however, chose to ignore both the bias of the two "death wish" jurists and the implication of irregularity on the magistrate’s part. After the judge's summing up it took the jury all of 10 minutes to return a guilty verdict against Collins.
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England & Wales, Criminal Register - County of Warwick 1839
John Collins & William Lovett were held responsible for the Bull Ring Riots
John Collins & William Lovett were held responsible for the Bull Ring Riots
EXTRACTS FROM THE TRIAL OF JOHN COLLINS - CHARACTER WITNESSES
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William Scholefield - Examined by Gilbourn
I am the mayor of Birmingham. I know Collins. So far as I know, his character is that of a peaceable man. I applied to him in May last, when the meetings were begun to be holden in the Bull Ring, to use his influence to prevent disturbances. |
Joseph Gillott - Examined by Gilbourn
(Gillott was the owner of the Gillott Steel Pen Company) Collins has worked with me as a journey man for more than six years. I am a metallic pen maker. His character has been during that time in every respect as I could wish. |
(From Reports of State Trials: New Series 1820-1858. Edited by Sir John Macdonell & Sir John Power Wallis)
SENTENCED TO ONE YEAR IMPRISONMENT
Warwick Court House
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Three days after the guilty verdict, Judge Littledale sentenced Collins and Lovett to one year's imprisonment each in Warwick County Gaol.
The jury recommended John Collins for mercy, but Littledale chose to ignore that recommendation since he didn’t think it right to show mercy to Collins and not Lovett! |
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On being sentenced for seditious libel the two men were asked if they had anything to say. Lovett did not. Collins, however, requested that Justice Littledale order the two men be placed on the Debtor’s Side of the prison (where they would get better treatment and conditions) instead of the Felon’s Side. Collins cited several precedents including George Edmonds, Charles Maddox, Wm Lewis and Thomas Wooler who were sentenced for a like offence in 1821 and were confined on the Debtors' Side of the prison. Littledale refused inferring he did not have the power to do so. Collins persisted, saying eighteen months before two persons, Guest and Watts of Birmingham, were imprisoned on request to the Debtors Side, not for debt but other offence. Once again, Littledale refused, ignoring the fact that the jury had recommended Collins for mercy.
Since time immemorial, people at the bottom of the social ladder have been stepped on or treated worse than those at the top, just because of their social credentials - or lack thereof. If John Collins had been a politician, a wealthy man, or connected to the aristocracy Judge Littledale would undoubtedly have recommended Collins to the Debtor’s Side of the prison regardless of rules, regulations, or the law! |
19th century judge's wig and robes.
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Preferential Treatment in Prison
"Gilbert Wakefield (politician), in prison, was allowed a separate parlour and the use of his library; Leigh Hunt (poet) had his piano and his flowerpots when Lord Byron, and (Thomas) Moore visited 'the wit in a dungeon;' Sir John Hobhouse of course had the comforts which a man of fortune could buy; and other genteel breakers of the law have experienced the lenity due to their condition in life. "Not so with the 'operatives,' Lovett and Collins. Their offence was a 'seditious libel' - as was Wakefield's, Hunt's and Hobhouse's - but their punishment is that of felons." The Annual Register A View of the History & Politics of the Year 1839 |
CRUEL AND UNUSUAL PUNISHMENT
During their year in Warwick Gaol, Collins and Lovett were treated like hardened criminals rather than political prisoners. Confined to the Felons Prison rather than the Debtors Prison, they were subjected to grave mistreatment.
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Collins and Lovett were not allowed to wear shoes on the cold brick floor of their damp, unheated cell. Food and diet were severely restricted, consisting mainly bread and potatoes five days a week. During the first six months Collins had meat on three occasions only, and one of those was on Christmas Day when he was allowed to buy it.
One or other of the men was always sick, and at one point both men were ill in the prison infirmary. A visitor to the prison reported he was shocked by Collins’ appearance. (Dr J Robert Black to Thomas Duncombe MP). Neither fire nor candles were allowed - which may have been deemed a good thing since Lovett once discovered a "very fine black beetle" in his food. |
Dungeon at Warwick Country Gaol
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Isolated From The Outside World
In addition to appalling conditions and an inadequate and unhealthy diet, Collins and Lovett were virtually cut off from the outside world. The men were allowed one supervised visitor once a quarter, and they were restricted to writing two letters during the whole term of imprisonment. Letters addressed to the men were opened and parts of pages torn out. Apart from the bible the prisoners were denied the use of books, pens and ink for many months. In effect the government silenced two of the Chartist Movement's leading voices.
In addition to appalling conditions and an inadequate and unhealthy diet, Collins and Lovett were virtually cut off from the outside world. The men were allowed one supervised visitor once a quarter, and they were restricted to writing two letters during the whole term of imprisonment. Letters addressed to the men were opened and parts of pages torn out. Apart from the bible the prisoners were denied the use of books, pens and ink for many months. In effect the government silenced two of the Chartist Movement's leading voices.
Sleeping Arrangements on the Felons Side of the Prison
Iron bedsteads in Collins' and Lovett's cell consisted straw mattresses and stinking blankets. Depending on the number of inmates, two or more had to share a bed. During the course of imprisonment Collins shared a bed with William Lovett. On other occasions Collins' bedfellows including a rapist, two inmates convicted of assault, and a man convicted of "passing bad money."
Iron bedsteads in Collins' and Lovett's cell consisted straw mattresses and stinking blankets. Depending on the number of inmates, two or more had to share a bed. During the course of imprisonment Collins shared a bed with William Lovett. On other occasions Collins' bedfellows including a rapist, two inmates convicted of assault, and a man convicted of "passing bad money."
APPEALS TO THE GOVERNMENT
There were several precedents for Collins and Lovett to be moved from the Felons' Side to the Debtors' Side of the prison where they would receive better treatment, but numerous appeals to government and prison officials failed to bring about much improvement.
Prisoners' Petitions
The prisoners' own petitions were dismissed or discredited, and requests for improvements to diet and restrictions were invariably sidestepped by passing the buck back and forth between the Magistrates responsible for Warwick Gaol and the Home Secretary (Lord John Russell, succeeded by Lord Normanby) in London. Russell was scathingly known as "Finality Jack" because he spoke against any further extension of the suffrage in the 1832 Reform Act, so he was already biased against Chartist prisoners.
At one point, the Member of Parliament Mr Joseph Hume accused Russell of vindicating the "severity which had been exercised, and the degradation which had been practised towards persons (Collins and Lovett) who were now confined for political offences, and the noble Lord defended it ....."
(http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1840/jul/10/political-offences-messrs-lovett-and#column_647)
The prisoners' own petitions were dismissed or discredited, and requests for improvements to diet and restrictions were invariably sidestepped by passing the buck back and forth between the Magistrates responsible for Warwick Gaol and the Home Secretary (Lord John Russell, succeeded by Lord Normanby) in London. Russell was scathingly known as "Finality Jack" because he spoke against any further extension of the suffrage in the 1832 Reform Act, so he was already biased against Chartist prisoners.
At one point, the Member of Parliament Mr Joseph Hume accused Russell of vindicating the "severity which had been exercised, and the degradation which had been practised towards persons (Collins and Lovett) who were now confined for political offences, and the noble Lord defended it ....."
(http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1840/jul/10/political-offences-messrs-lovett-and#column_647)
Government Paper & Parliamentary Debates
 Government Paper - Chartist Prisoners
Besides Joseph Hume, there were other Members of Parliament including Lord Brougham, William Collins (no relation), Wakely, Fielding and more who were sympathetic to Collins and Lovett. As a result the prisoners' case was the subject of much debate in both the House of Commons and the House of Lords.
By February 1840, six months into their prison sentence, there was enough of an outcry from the public and the newspapers (even a petition to The Queen) that the House of Commons ordered copies of memorials, petitions and other correspondence regarding Collins and Lovett to be printed in a Government Paper entitled "Warwick Gaol." It was at this point that the Warwick Magistrates made some long overdue adjustments to the prisoners' bread and potato diet with the addition of 1 lb of solid meat per week. Following his release from prison, Collins said the one good thing to come out of it was that all the prisoners in Warwick Gaol (not just Collins and Lovett) got an improvement to their prison diet. |
For further information on protests and government debates, including an original copy of the Government Paper entitled "Warwick Gaol" please click here.
Double Standard
Notwithstanding the numerous appeals for better treatment, the Central Government refused to intervene - which was not altogether surprising since Parliament might be expected to stand on legal form, especially given that the two prisoners did not belong to the wealthy elite or upper class! Nor was it totally unexpected that a petition for Collins' and Lovett's liberation from prison sent to Queen Victoria on behalf of the inhabitants of Birmingham was royaly unsuccessful!
However, lower down the judicial system there was much room for discretion. Accepted attitudes and practices meant local Magistrates could authorize more or less severe treatment during a prisoner's incarceration. (As was seen in similar cases.) Additionally, if the Governor of Warwick Gaol had had a mind to do so, he could have been more cooperative. Instead, he withheld letters addressed to Collins, and delayed his wife from visiting. The Governor also opposed the prisoners being moved from the Felons Side to the Debtors Side of the prison where they would have received less stringent treatment.
Notwithstanding the numerous appeals for better treatment, the Central Government refused to intervene - which was not altogether surprising since Parliament might be expected to stand on legal form, especially given that the two prisoners did not belong to the wealthy elite or upper class! Nor was it totally unexpected that a petition for Collins' and Lovett's liberation from prison sent to Queen Victoria on behalf of the inhabitants of Birmingham was royaly unsuccessful!
However, lower down the judicial system there was much room for discretion. Accepted attitudes and practices meant local Magistrates could authorize more or less severe treatment during a prisoner's incarceration. (As was seen in similar cases.) Additionally, if the Governor of Warwick Gaol had had a mind to do so, he could have been more cooperative. Instead, he withheld letters addressed to Collins, and delayed his wife from visiting. The Governor also opposed the prisoners being moved from the Felons Side to the Debtors Side of the prison where they would have received less stringent treatment.
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"One of the restrictions was that they (Collins and Lovett) should not be allowed to see any individual, however nearly related, except once a quarter. The wife of Collins had applied for leave to visit her husband, but it was not till the quarter had expired that she was allowed to visit him."
Mr Warburton, Member of Parliament HC Deb 14 April 1840 vol 53 cc1103-17 |
During lengthy government debate on 10th July 1840 Mr Thomas Dunscombe, Member of Parliament referred to flexibility at the local level when he compared Collins' and Lovett's harsh treatment with the relative comfort of other Chartist prisoners.
HC Deb 10 July 1840 vol 55 cc618-55 (http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1840/jul/10/political-offences-messrs-lovett-and#column_618)
HC Deb 10 July 1840 vol 55 cc618-55 (http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1840/jul/10/political-offences-messrs-lovett-and#column_618)
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A Call for Lovett and Collins to Receive Better Treatment
"While Messrs. Lovett and Collins, and the other persons to whom he had referred, were treated in the manner that had been described, the Rev. Mr. Stephens, who had been convicted of a similar offence, was actually living in the gaoler's house, and enjoying the society of his friends. "Mr. Bronterre O'Brien and Mr. M'Douall were also treated, in Chester gaol, with much less severity than was observed towards Messrs. Lovett and Collins, though not so well as the Rev. Mr. Stephens. As an instance of the petty severities that were inflicted on Mr. O'Brien, he would mention that his snuffbox was taken away from him." Mr Dunscombe MP HC Deb 10 July 1840 vol 55 cc618-55 |
During the same debate, Mr Wakely MP said "The system of punishment which by our forefathers had been intended to operate as a check upon crime, had been, in the case of these prisoners (Collins, Lovett and other chartists), converted into a torture which was calculated to turn them into savages."
VINDICTIVE MAGISTRATES
On 5th August 1840 there was debate in the House of Commons regarding all political prisoners (HC Deb 05 August 1840 vol 55 cc1287-304) and the vast difference in treatment between the upper and lower classes, and at the various gaols in the country.
In the case of Collins and Lovett the Warwick Magistrates (Messrs S F Galton, H C Wise, J N Cave, James Ratteray and John Boudier) shamelessly enforced a regimen more befitting convicted felons even though the prisoners' offences were not of a felonious nature. The Magistrates maintained they could not recommend any changes to the prisoners' treatment since the law did not allow it. In reality John Collins' and William Lovett's punishment in Warwick Gaol was less about the law and more about social and political bias - even vindictiveness - on the part of those Magistrates. On his release from prison before a welcoming crowd of thousands John Collins accused the Magistrates of lies and deceit.
In the case of Collins and Lovett the Warwick Magistrates (Messrs S F Galton, H C Wise, J N Cave, James Ratteray and John Boudier) shamelessly enforced a regimen more befitting convicted felons even though the prisoners' offences were not of a felonious nature. The Magistrates maintained they could not recommend any changes to the prisoners' treatment since the law did not allow it. In reality John Collins' and William Lovett's punishment in Warwick Gaol was less about the law and more about social and political bias - even vindictiveness - on the part of those Magistrates. On his release from prison before a welcoming crowd of thousands John Collins accused the Magistrates of lies and deceit.
One of them, John Boudier, vicar of St Mary's Warwick, claimed, "From frequent personal inspection, I confidently state, that the quality and cooking of the potatoes is generally extremely good. The meat allowed, and from which most excellent soup is made, Mr. Lovett from choice rejects." It goes without saying that men having existed on nothing but bread and potatoes five days a week for many months, would not refuse a so-called "excellent soup" unless there was something dreadfully wrong with it! Or as the prisoners put it in their first petition: ...."beef soup, which there was no appearance of meat, excepting some slimy, stringy particles, which, hanging about the spoon, so offended your petitioners' stomachs, that they were compelled to forego eating it...."
Mr Boudier (aka Boarder), later admitted that they had not cared to improve Collins' and Lovett's treatment because they (the Magistrates) had taken exception to the prisoners' own petitions. (Suffolk Chronicle, 8 August 1940). As a result, Collins and Lovett suffered unnecessary and unwarranted deprivation for the majority of their imprisonment. That the two men survived was nothing short of amazing.
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For additional information on protests and government debates against Collins' and Lovett's prison treatment, including an original copy of the Government Paper entitled "Warwick Gaol" please click here.
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FINANCIAL SUPPORT FOR JOHN COLLINS
Chartism was a male dominated world. Except for some female political unions, most women were not actively involved in promoting the Chartist Movement. Even Chartist wives were cast in a supporting role in the home and hearth of their Chartist husbands, and as such would have had little or no contact with politicians or influential people. One notable exception was Mary Lovett. When her husband was sent to prison she found support through his political connections. Francis Place in London helped Mary draft letters of appeal to the government, and James Whittle of Warwick offered hospitality when she visited her husband in Warwick Gaol [Women in the Chartist Movement, Schwarzkopf]. For the most part, however, the wives of imprisoned Chartists, paid a lonely price for their husband's political convictions.
£7. 3s. 6d. for Mrs Collins and Mrs Lovett from Scotland
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We know little of John Collins' wife, Hannah, except she was left bereft of his companionship and financial support during his twelve month imprisonment in Warwick Gaol, and there were three children 18, 15 and 12 years old. Fortunately, John Collins was of sufficient stature and popularity that his family was able to avoid financial ruin. His friends quickly raised the £1,000 bail, which was an excessive amount for a working man, and he received money toward his defense attorney.
During Collins' incarceration the people of Birmingham, and as far away as Dunfermline, Scotland, rallied with financial support for his family, and Working Men's Associations set up committees in Birmingham and London to handle the money. Mrs Lapworth, chair of the female wing of the Birmingham Political Union informed one of their Monday night meetings at the Lawrence Street Chapel that Mr Collins' constituents in Kettering (Northants) had sent £5 including £1 from the patriotic women of Kettering [Birmingham Journal, 5 Oct 1839] . Calling on the inhabitants of Birmingham for their support, Ryan's Royal Ampitheatre in Bradford Street put on a performance of the tragic play "Pizarro," the proceeds to benefit the John Collins' family. Well known London chartist William Cardo spoke at a meeting in Birmingham to raise funds for the families of Collins and his co-prisoner William Lovett. |
Nor was sympathy for Collins limited to the men and women of political organizations and the working class. The likes of Joseph Gillott owner of the steel pen manufactory, Joshua Scholefield MP for Birmingham, Mr Redfern Chief Constable of Birmingham, and the well-known Francis Place contributed money - as well as calling on the people to support Collins' wife and family [Birmingham Journal, 1 February 1840]. Even as late as July 1840, just before Collins' release from prison, funds were still coming in from such diverse sources as the Silver Platers' Society (who donated £1.7s.6d) and Birmingham Town Councillor W H Smith (who contributed ten shillings).
CHARTISM: A NEW ORGANIZATION OF THE PEOPLE
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After six months in prison (West p138), Collins and Lovett were allowed writing materials, and in spite of continuing gross mistreatment and declining health they used their remaining imprisonment to write their famous 130 page book entitled Chartism: A New Organization of the People. Ignoring a few well-deserved jabs at the ruling and middle classes for their rejection and apathy for political reform, and the Warwickshire jury for their prejudicial attitude against all Chartists, the book was intended to help educate the working class population, who had no access to free education, and prepare them for the exercise of their political rights.
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A page from "Chartism: A New Organization of the People"
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It offered a finely detailed plan for the development of a national school system for infants, juniors and seniors. There were evening classes for adults, schools for teacher training, circulating libraries, as well as events such as lectures, readings, discussions, musical entertainments and dances. The book included a National Association to see the project through.
Nevertheless, the book's Introduction gives an all-out attack on the unfair political system, referring to: "The black catalogue of recorded crimes which all history develops, joined to the glaring and oppressive acts of every day's experience, must convince every reflective mind that irresponsible power, vested in one man or in a class of men, is the fruitful source of every crime." This is so indicative of the theme of many of John Collins' speeches. He talked of the everyday state of the people's poverty and distress that could not be ignored and which convinced him to come out in the public cause. He advocated no one class of men - not even working men - should have all the power.
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Chartism was published in 1840 after Collins and Lovett were released from Warwick Gaol, and went into a second printing. It was well received by the public, and in reviewing the book The Odd Fellow newspaper said "the authors showed a general acquaintance with the subject, a degree of intelligence, and a high tone of moral and imaginative, that does honour to themselves and the class from which they have sprung"! The review finished by "heartily commending persons of all classes and both sexes to read the work for themselves, adopt its principles, and lend their aid to carrying out it views."
Shortly after publication some 80 leading reformers, including Lovett, Collins and Hetherington, published an address to The Political and Social Reformers of the United Kingdom calling for a National Association in order to set up plans detailed in the book.
Fergus O'Connor the owner of a popular chartist newspaper was one notable detractor. O'Connor, who rose to become the "evil genius" [Birmingham Post, Jan 28 1939] and the sole leader of the Chartist Movement and who helped sway public opinion against other Chartists leaders such as Collins and Lovett, cast aspersions on their educational effort by referring to it as "Knowledge Chartism."
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AUTHORSHIP OF CHARTISM
Over the years one or two writers have cast doubt on the joint authorship of the book, saying it was the work of one man. Mark Hovell does so (The Chartist Movement p 204-5) based on an earlier piece on education written and published by the London Working Men’s Association. However, let there be no doubt that John Collins wrote this book with leading-light William Lovett.
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"Chartism" (which sold for one shilling and went into a second printing) advocated temperance and morality, together with the importance of education and self-improvement for the masses. That philosophy formed a large part of the Christian Chartists’ creed/doctrine of which Collins was a great believer. He was deacon at the Chartist Church on Newhall Hill, Birmingham which he helped establish, and he was involved in the People's Hall of Science built on Loveday Street, Birmingham.
Lovett and Collins were self-taught men, and Collins especially understood the need to improve the education and well-being of the ‘lower orders’ having come from that end of the social spectrum. Collins was a Sunday school teacher, which in those days was the only form of education for the working poor. |
Front page of "Chartism" by Lovett and Collins
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Neither Collins nor Lovett disputed the authorship of their book. Nor was there any accusation or commentary from other reformers - in particular Francis Place the well-known, outspoken, London radical - or the press of the day about who actually wrote it. At a dinner in Leeds shortly his release from prison, Collins publicly stated that whilst in prison he and Lovett had written a book outlining a plan of agitation which was in the course of publication, and in a few days copies would be sent to Leeds and throughout the country.
In one final word, these two men shared a cell and would have constantly discussed the book and its content, brainstorming ideas and thoughts, as two intelligent men with a common ideology would do in captivity.
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Henry B Stanton in Sketches, Reforms & Reformers of Great Britain & Ireland (p 313) wrote that "Chartism" was said to be “able and eloquent, filled with the noblest sentiments, and contains suggestions for the instruction and elevation of the masses, which would, if acted upon by the government, place England a century in advance of her present position.” Needless to say, the government did not take action upon the recommendations in the book!
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Chartism: A Plan for the Education & Improvement of the People is still available in print, and may be read or downloaded freely on "Google Books." The complete text of the book is also available on this website by clicking here.
NO EARLY RELEASE
Toward the end of their confinement the administration offered to release the two men from prison if they promised to keep the peace for the 12 months following their early release - in effect silencing and punishing them for a further 12 months. Lovett and Collins refused since in those days remission of sentence implied admission of guilt. Click here to see their reply to The Queen's Secretary of State for the Home Department dated 2 May 1840, together with a personal letter from Collins rejecting the Government's disgraceful offer.
Warwick on the banks of the River Avon
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Government Wrongdoing
Later, that month (27 May 1840) when the harsh treatment of other well-known Chartist prisoners came up for discussion in Parliament, Mr Warburton MP said it was the general opinion that Collins and Lovett had been treated with much more severity than expected. Furthermore, he suggested the government had acted illegally in demanding as a condition of remitting two months of their sentence that the two men should enter recognizances for 12 months. (The Examiner, May 31 1840). Nevertheless, the two men served out their 12 month sentence in Warwick Gaol. So much for British justice! |
ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF THE QUEEN
As an aside --- on Wednesday 10th June just prior to Collins' & Lovett's release from prison, there was an attempted assassination of Her Majesty Queen Victoria. She and Prince Albert were taking a drive on a well-known carriage way through the park from Buckingham Palace to Hyde Park Corner when an assassin struck and two shots were fired. Rumour had it a Chartist was to blame - and this was founded on the fact he claimed to have been born in Birmingham. Turned out the assassin's father was a stranger to the town and the assassin himself left the town when he was a child. Consequently, the Birmingham Journal in all seriousness said it was a matter of congratulation to know the assassin was "neither Birmingham nor wholly English" having African blood in his veins!
LIBERATION FROM WARWICK GAOL - 25th JULY 1840
In addition to notices in the newspapers and placards throughout Birmingham regarding arrangements for Collins' release and arrival into town, he was the subject of correspondence between police, a secret police informant, and the Marquess of Normanby who was then Home Secretary in London. To read that correspondence, please click here.
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There was some question as to whether or not the government would allow the anticipated great congregation and procession of people expected to meet John Collins. In the end commonsense prevailed, and the Home Office allowed plans for Collins' reception into Birmingham to go ahead.
Finally, after serving one long year in prison, John Collins was released at 6am on the morning of Saturday 25th July 1840 from Warwick Gaol. He was met by a crowd of supporters, and he and Lovett partook of breakfast that had been laid on for them and Collins' family and friends at the home of a Mr French in Warwick Town. |
Old buildings in Warwick Town
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Following refreshments and many congratulations, a deputation from Birmingham met with Collins and Lovett, and Lovett was asked if he would change his decision not to visit Birmingham on Monday. The deputation went to great lengths to convince him to do otherwise. They hoped he would not refuse the favour of the people of Birmingham who coupled his name with that of John Collins. Lovett, however, was adamant that the request of friends and business interests prevented it, but that he was anxious that everything should be done to add to Collins' triumphal entry into Birmingham. Collins and Lovett then visited with the Member of Parliament for Warwick, and much to everyone's disappointment Lovett departed for London without attending any local celebrations. That evening the Warwick Chartists put on a banquet for John Collins at The Pavilion which was festively decorated for the occasion including flowers, laurels, and life size drawings of Collins and other leading Chartists.
COLLINS RECEIVES A HEROS WELCOME INTO BIRMINGHAM
The next day Collins was escorted into Birmingham via the Spark Brook Gate by the committee that provided for his family during his imprisonment together with a large crowd and a brass band.
Angel Inn on the corner of Stratford and Ladypool Roads [Image: The Making of Birmingham, R K Dent 1894]
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Police reports indicated a procession of several conveyances containing men and women and a long train of about 400 pedestrians that departed from The Angel Inn off the Warwick Road (a mile or so from Birmingham) at 10am.
Some 15,000 spectators formed a larger assemblage that increased as they made their way into Birmingham (Police Commissioner Burgess' letter to the Home Office.) |
From The Angel the huge procession made its way along the Stratford Road, Camp Hill and the High Street before entering Deritend - passing The Old Crown, being the oldest building in the town - and into Digbeth. Some three hours after it set out, the procession passed through the Bull Ring in Birmingham (just before 1pm) with Collins and his family in an open carriage drawn by four grey horses provided by a gentleman for the occasion.
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Various reports said the procession numbered 30,000 and reached a mile or more in length, and it was estimated (Freeman's Journal dated 31 July 1940) that approximately a 100,000 people turned out to welcome the procession through the streets of Birmingham.
At Gosta Green, between Woodcock and Duke Streets, the carriage halted and speeches were given. Addressing the mass of people as "friends, townsmen, and brother slaves" Collins spoke of his continued support for the Chartist cause and of his harsh treatment in prison which left no doubt that the authorities had much to be ashamed of. |
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He told the crowd that he stood by the statement concerning police brutality on the people of Birmingham that he made a year ago for which he and Lovett were arrested and imprisoned. In spite of government vengeance that snuffed out the leading lights of the Chartist Movement, John Collins refused to be cowed into silence. Then he thanked the crowd for their support before being driven away to the Cross Guns on Lancaster Street.
Of further note there were reports that the procession was a miserable affair. In fact a police report on the day of the procession confirms quite the opposite. The only thing miserable about that day (also referred to in a police report) was the miserable state of dress of the lower orders!
Later, the same day, a dinner for 800 people (entrance by paid ticket) was held on the open ground of the planned People's Hall on Loveday Street. There were several speakers including Collins himself and Arthur O'Neil of Glasgow. This doesn't sound like a miserable affair either.
The whole day passed peaceably without incident, Police Commissioner Burgess having given the committee in charge of John Collins' celebrations an assurance that the police would not interfere with the proceedings unless there was a disturbance. Additionally, the Commissioner promised police protection during the open-air dinner against possible troublemakers. [Burgess letters National Archives HO 40/50]
The whole day passed peaceably without incident, Police Commissioner Burgess having given the committee in charge of John Collins' celebrations an assurance that the police would not interfere with the proceedings unless there was a disturbance. Additionally, the Commissioner promised police protection during the open-air dinner against possible troublemakers. [Burgess letters National Archives HO 40/50]
POLITICAL PRISONERS 1839-1840
Regarding the subject of political prisoners, the Newgate Calendar published the number of Chartist prisoners from January 1839 until May 1840 (when Feargus O'Connor was sentenced) totaling 559 individuals. It said with a few exceptions, they were mostly poor and uneducated men. Some political prisoners, like Lovett and Collins were treated extremely harshly. Others, such as Feargus O'Connor (who had the use of his own furniture, including a caged bird, as well as books and newspapers) had a much easier time of it.
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Numbers of Confined Chartists
Chester, County Jail 29 Durham, County Jail 3 Kent, House of Correction 1 Lancaster Lancaster Castle 5 County Jail and House of Correction, Kirkdale 156 House of Correction, Preston 3 Lincoln, Lincoln Castle 1 Middlesex House of Correction, Giltspurstreet 1 Ditto, Coldbath-fields 13 Jail of Newgate 3 Westminster Bridewell 13 Monmouth, County Jail 63 House of Correction, Usk 4 Northumberland, House of Correction, Newcastle 19 Nottingham, County Jail 23 House of Correction, Southwell 12 Somerset, County Jail, Ilchester 3 Surrey, Queen's Bench Prison 2 Warwick, County Jail 28 (incl John Collins & William Lovett) Wilts County Jail 8 House of Correction, Devizes 1 Worcester, Jail and House of Correction 3 York, York Castle 69 E. Riding, House of Correction, Beverley 2 N. Riding, House of Correction, Northallerton 12 W. Riding, House of Correction, Wakefield 19 Brecon, County Jail and House of Correction 12 Glamorgan, House of Correction, Swansea 1 Montgomery, Jail and House of Correction 50 Total 559 |
The Old Warwick Prison
In Leafy Sketches of Warwick by George Morley, published 1895, Warwick Gaol is described as black and dismal with the clang of the iron gates that clap like thunder, and the clank, clank of men in chains. It was a ghastly place where public hangings took place in the front of the prison gates. The prison was close to the ancient Market Place, and the hangings attracted cursing, jeering, bloodthirsty mobs! The last hanging was believed to be in 1859. Inside the prison was no less hideous, and at the end of the previous century malpractises of the lash and the silent treatment were exposed.
Warwick Market Place
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